Showing posts with label Competency. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Competency. Show all posts

Thursday, May 07, 2020

Data on waiting lists for TX competency restoration

The Appropriations bill during the last Texas legislative session required the Health and Human Services Commission to periodically report on waiting lists for mental health services. Here's the chart from the report related to forensic beds, where mentally ill folks are sent for "competency restoration" before they can stand for trial, plea, etc.:


This has been a problem now for many years. Once someone has been deemed incompetent, they can't even plea out and must typically remain incarcerated until they can get into a state hospital and receive treatment. For maximum security beds, that can take nearly a year. And that's just the wait to get in the door, it doesn't include treatment time! The Lege at one point created pilot programs to do outpatient competency restoration, but that system never scaled up to solve the problem.

Saturday, September 17, 2016

Beating (up) Devon Anderson, and other stories

Here are a few odds and ends which haven't made it into independent posts but merit Grits readers' attention:

Beating (up) Devon Anderson
In Harris County, critics are now piling on incumbent District Attorney Devon Anderson, sometimes for things under her control and sometimes not. Texas Monthly compiled examples from the growing litany of allegations which could provide the margin for her defeat in what's expected (by me, anyway) to be a tight November race. As Republican DAs go, I like Devon Anderson. I think she's grown immensely since taking office (under what must have been weird and emotional circumstances). She's a sensible if modest reformer, not some tough-on-crime ogre. But her ouster by a candidate running essentially on a reform platform in the nation's fourth largest city would be significant. And lately, she hasn't done herself any favors.

Shortage of competency restoration beds worst in recent memory
Terri Langford at the Dallas News had an update on the shortage of competency restoration beds at Texas state mental hospitals, a longstanding Grits hobbyhorse. "The number of inmates [on the wait list] has jumped by more than 86 percent in the last 12 months to a record 278 in July. Their average wait time is 149 days." The crisis is now officially the worst its ever been:


Pointing fingers over Austin PD DNA mess
Seeking to take advantage of the ongoing SNAFU at Austin PD's DNA lab, the Austin Criminal Defense Lawyers Association this week alleged that,

Federal statute inhibits Harris County jail reform
A Jimmy-Carter era federal statute explains why the Harris County Jail has been so slow to reduce unnecessary jail deaths, reported the Marshall Project. "[T]he result, at the Harris County jail, which has a population of about 9,000, and at some other large facilities, has been lots of talk, less action and, in some notable cases, scant sustainable improvement." To be fair, Harris County could have addressed these problems without being forced to do so without federal litigation. The failure to do so lies at the feet of the current and former Sheriffs and county commissioners. But it's also a fair point that federal oversight structures have few teeth.

State wants $4-5 million for Dawson State Jail site
The Dallas News reports the state of Texas will ask between $4 and $5.1 million for the old Dawson State Jail facility on the banks of the Trinity River. The city of Dallas hoped to purchase the land as part of its Trinity River redevelopment, raising the question: Will the city or one of its partners pony up that much?

Ranking Texas corrections population compared to cities
Attentive readers may recall Grits has pegged the size of the Texas prison system by declaring that it's larger than the city populations of Waco or Midland. Here's a column and chart establishing precisely where TDCJ's population falls on that scale. Now, if you include all Texans under supervision of the state criminal justice system - in prison, county jails, on probation and on parole - the system would come in 6th, just outdistancing El Paso's municipal population.

Stingray data dump
The Intercept's Sam Biddle reveals the results from the biggest open records haul yet regarding so-called Stingray devices (or, technically, IMSI catchers, see here, here and here) in a must-read piece for anyone interested in electronic surveillance questions. In Houston, notably, local police refuse to share details of the device's use with prosecutors, citing the confidentiality agreement now largely mooted with the release of these documents. Now it's just when, where and why the device is used that they're hiding; the how is out there.

Debate: How best to manage police departments?
This Harvard Business Review article suggested that the best way to manage police departments post-Ferguson is (apparently) to ignore demands from the community for justice and instead myopically hone in on what they dub "organizational justice" as viewed from the perspective of police officers and no one else. Thanks, guys. Advising police administrators to pander to the biggest, most aggressive opponents of reform, that's really helpful. To their credit, the same publication ran a much better article last month titled, "The Organizational Reasons Police Departments Don't Change."

Monday, May 02, 2016

Shortage of competency restoration beds a sudden, longstanding crisis

Texas' failure to finance mental-health services to sufficiently supply the vast volumes demanded by the justice system - in particular "forensic" beds for competency restoration at state mental hospitals - belatedly is receiving attention. Edgar Walters at the Texas Tribune has a fine story detailing the quandary state officials find themselves in regarding funding for criminal defendants' competency restoration at state mental hospitals. Here's an excerpt, which will ring familiar to long-time Grits readers:
State public health officials say there were 388 people on waiting lists for state hospitals as of April 1.

“Almost all of our state hospitals are currently at capacity, and we are admitting patients as soon as other patients are discharged,” said Christine Mann, a spokeswoman for the Department of State Health Services.

Meanwhile, more than half of state hospital beds go to people who have been ordered there under a “forensic” commitment through the criminal justice system. Texans who were found by a court to be not guilty of a crime by reason of insanity or who were considered incompetent to stand trial currently fill about 1,200 state hospital beds.

That leaves only about 1,100 beds available at any given time for people, like Contreras’ son, who seek treatment outside of the criminal justice system.
At the Houston Press Meagan Flynn had another recent story on the topic.

Grits is pleased the issue is receiving attention and that legislators have pledged to address the problem (though in the coming budget environment, one wonders whether that's possible). I'm puzzled, however, at commentary portraying this as some new problem that legislators just discovered. My theory is that Sen. Robert Duncan attempted to manage the situation for years and, when he left, the Lege lost important institutional memory on the topic.

Regardless, long waiting lists for forensic commitments to state mental hospitals have been a problem for years, as highlighted in this 2012 story from Eric Dexheimer at the Austin Statesman. And though I know that meager blogs seem to be falling out of fashion in the era of social media, this humble opuscule has been beating the drums on the topic nearly since its inception. For those interested, here's a sampling of Grits' writing on competency restoration topics over the last decade:

Tuesday, December 02, 2014

What big ticket criminal-justice items might TX Lege fund with 'surplus'?

Wow, I'm surprised at the size of the spending cap increase the Texas Legislative Budget Board estimated for the 2016-17 biennium: $3.4 billion above the amount of revenue allocated in the last budget, or $1.7 billion per year. Grits had guesstimated they might have about 2/3 that amount.

Of course, they could spend all of that on transportation and still not remotely fill the need. Ditto for public schools, where that amount hardly scratches the surface of what the state will likely owe when pending litigation is complete. And naturally, the Lege could always (in theory) keep spending the same and use the extra $3.4 billion for tax cuts; there will be pressure to go that route.

But let's imagine for a moment what the state might spend money on if they used some of that "extra" cash on prominent, big-ticket criminal justice needs. What would they be? In order from largest to smallest, here are several criminal-justice items the state can in theory afford to fund in light of this blithesome budget news:

Pay for TDCJ prisoner healthcare, guard raises, programming (w/o AC): $546.6 million
The Legislature has already been told that, unless the state changes policies to incarcerate fewer people, the Texas Department of Criminal Justice will need $175 million more in the next biennium just to pay for healthcare for current levels of inmates, in part driven by the aging of the prison population as a result of long, punitive sentences. (Plus, the agency's front-line medical competence is still recovering from 2011 budget cuts.) In all, TDCJ has asked for $546.6 million in "exceptional items" including a 10 percent pay raise for guards to compete with oil field work. Of course, diverting more offenders from prison and shuttering understaffed facilities would relieve the problem, too, letting the state pay for staff raises with savings from facility closures. But TDCJ brass has suggested no such alternative. (There are a few exceptional items for probation and diversion funding in TDCJ's budget request, but overwhelmingly their request for new spending would go to running and staffing facilities.)

Two caveats to this already-large number: First, all this assumes that, while the 84th Legislature in session, the 5th Circuit or a federal district judge doesn't require the state to provide air conditioning at the state's hottest prisons; then the extra expenses get much higher, especially if the prison population doesn't decline. Second, the Lege could and likely will reduce these figures significantly by cutting either the size of raises and/or diversion programming. The latter risks higher recidivism, the former risks unplanned, forced closure of facilities because TDCJ can't find sufficient staff in rural areas. According to the Texas Tribune, "Statewide, the agency has left roughly 1,400 prison beds empty since 2012 because of staff shortages." Pick your poison.

Eliminate the Driver Responsibility surcharge: $110 to $340 million
From a standpoint of bypassing the most vocal political opposition, the shortest distance to abolishing the ignominious Driver Responsibility surcharge would be for the state to find some other way to fund Texas trauma hospitals, which have been receiving about $55 million per year or $110 million per biennium from the DRP. Otherwise, most everybody agrees the program is a failure that's making worse the problems it was intended to solve, as well as creating new ones. Complicating matters, though, the state also mulcts $85 million per year, or $170 million per biennium, from the DRP for the general fund, and uses another $30 million or so to feign balancing the budget. So really, to replace the whole pot of money would cost around $340 million; just to make the hospitals whole (letting the surplus take care of the GR cut) would run $110 million.  On the bright side, about a third of phone calls to the DPS drivers license division related to the surcharge, according to the LAR (pdf, p. 184, formally p. 3B 13 of 23), so eliminating the surcharge would free up significant internal resources to focus on serving other motorists.

Expand Texas' Great Border Security Boondoggle: $105.4 million
Otherwise, Governor-elect Greg Abbott has said he wants to double state spending at the border, but DPS has suggested even more than that. So, as insensible as your correspondent considers that ridiculous, politicized policy, let's add it to the list. In its 2016-17 Legislative Appropriations Request (LAR), DPS has $73.9 million in its Legislative Appropriations Request for its Goal Number Two, "Secure Border Region," and has requested an additional $105.4 million for the biennium, or $179.3 million total, not including the National Guard, etc.. Elsewhere in the budget, there's another $17.4 million for the biennium under "Local Border Security"  to pay for overtime for DPS troopers already stationed along the border, bringing the total to $196.7 million, if all of DPS' border-security dreams were realized (not including the National Guard deployment, grants to local law enforcement, etc..) Of that, the $105.4 million would be considered "new spending" outside the LAR, though in truth it's all part of the same, politicized gallimaufry. Make me Philosopher King, of course, and I'd cut these entire line items from the budget, saving the state $74 million instead of spending nearly three times that on already-dated political theater.

Cover 'unfunded mandates' from Fair Defense Act: $100 million
The Texas Indigent Defense Commission has requested just shy of $100 million per biennium as an "exceptional item" to reimburse counties for increased indigent defense costs since the 2001 passage of the Fair Defense Act. There are reasons to believe that number is slightly overstated (e.g., inflation and population growth account for some of the difference), but in 2013, according to the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, "Texas counties paid approximately $189.7 million [for indigent defense] compared to the State’s $27.4 million." County spending on indigent defense more than doubled from 2001 to 2013. If the state chooses to fund indigent defense at that level, it should exercise more say in its efficient delivery via public defender systems as opposed to the sorts of screwy, outlier systems (I'm talking to you, Comal County) the TIDC has taken to funding of late. This would also give the state incentive to reduce petty offenses like possessing less than 2 ounces of pot or driving with a suspended license (second offense and beyond) as Class B misdemeanors, since the Lege won't like paying for those folks' lawyers any more than the counties do.

Confront competency restoration crisis: $55.7 million (or more)
Grits dislikes having reached this conclusion, but in the wake of court orders and persistent, problematic backlogs, Texas should expand the number of state mental hospital beds available for competency restoration and simultaneously fund local in-and-outpatient competency restoration programs at the county level, particularly for, say, the state's 20 largest counties. The Department of Health Services requested an additional $55.7 million for state hospitals to address this problem, so I've put the price tag in the headline at that amount. But in addition there needs to be new funding for handling competency restoration at the local level, at least in the larger counties, to permanently calm the waters on this topic. That might cost $15-20 million per year as a fully fleshed out, statewide program, substantially less on the front end,  Either way, if the state doesn't act soon - whether to construct extra hospital capacity, to facilitate the diversion of incompetent inmates into local, pretrial outpatient treatment, or both - then in this non-lawyer's opinion, sooner than later the courts will mandate more expensive solutions than the Legislature might prefer if it addressed the problem head-on. (N.b., these sorts of outpatient competency restoration programs should IMO also be a priority for grants from the Governor's Criminal Justice Division.)

Expand crime lab capacity: $15.7 million (at least)
Among its "exceptional items," DPS requested an extra $15.7 million for crime labs over the biennium, or a 19 percent increase over their base budget. Given current backlogs, plus extra caseloads thanks to revisiting hundreds of cases from the Jonathan Salvador debacle in Houston, not to mention the recent expansion of blood-alcohol testing (at least before Villareal), that amount probably underestimates what's needed just to remain afloat. Unless case volume somehow declines, DPS crime labs could spend that much and still be falling behind. The only other solutions are to  appropriate more money or have DPS shift to a fee for service model.

Other potential crim-just investments
With the exception of abolishing the surcharge, which is the subject of perennial legislation, these are all agency requests representing their ideas how to solve the problems facing them, not necessarily my own, personal preferences. If I were mocking up budgets, for example, I might have included an extra $100 to $150 million in TDCJ's for diversion programming and reduced probation caseloads and suggested cutting 3-4 private prison contracts. Texas' $200 million or so investment per biennium in diversion programs starting in 2007 prevented the state from having to build and operate more than a billion dollars worth of new prisons and let us close three instead. Doubling down on that investment, combined with adjusting sentence thresholds for nonviolent offenses, would let Texas close even more, saving money overall and easing managerial pressures on an array of labor and health-cost related problems. Otherwise, prison costs will continue to grow well beyond the effects of inflation and population growth.

Grits would tack on an extra $10 million or so for the biennium, for starters, for county level outpatient competency restoration in addition to the state hospital funding. (Texas may right now need extra beds - in fact, the $55.7 million number sounds low to me - but the state should plan how to not need them in the future.) Just a few million dollars in additional resources aimed at prisoner reentry could have a big impact; I'd focus in particular on people who spent a significant amount of time in solitary confinement while they were incarcerated. The state could set up a fund to pay for local department's police body cams they way they did in 2003 for dashcams in police cars (with a voter-approved bond issue). Finally, I'd bolster crime-lab funding with money for contractors to get rid of backlogs, while expanding the state's own capacity even more with an eye toward the future.

* * *

This blog post was a thought experiment to identify big-ticket criminal-justice budget asks at the 84th Texas Legislature, but it is certainly not exhaustive. E.g., if I weren't limiting the list to criminal-justice topics, I might have included judicial pay raises. Nor should it be read as an endorsement of every expenditure listed. Grits wouldn't agree with reimbursing counties for indigent defense, for example, without statewide standards and accountability. And regular readers know I wouldn't spend another dime on Texas' border security boondoggle.

Leaving aside Grits' personal preferences (i.e., the items under the final subhed), let's focus on already existing proposals we know the Legislature will be facing. If one totals the above sums requested by big criminal-justice agencies then add in the cost of abolishing the Driver Responsibility Program, one gets to around $1.2 billion per biennium in new spending on criminal justice - more if federal courts mandate installation of air conditioning in Texas prison units.

Compared to what's needed on roads, education or healthcare, that's a small sum. But with only $3.4 billion in new funds available and enormous transportation and education costs looming, it's also unlikely a third of the extra will go toward those purposes. So what should be prioritized? And what other big-ticket items did I miss? Let me know in the comments.

Friday, November 28, 2014

Panetti dissents lament failures of habeas corpus for the indigent

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals ruling that made the biggest national headlines this week was their decision to kill mentally ill capital murderer Scott Panetti. Nearly all the attention focused on Judge Tom Price's surprising John Paul Stevens impersonation - an on-the-way-out-the-door declaration that the death penalty should be abolished after personally authorizing hundreds of executions on the court. Talk about living with regrets!

I'll leave the death penalty pro and con debate to others (and would thank commenters to do the same). Instead, the most interesting part of Price's dissent to me was his discussion of innocence cases, DNA exonerations and the lack of funding for attorneys to file habeas corpus writs for indigent defendants. Price wrote:
Perhaps more importantly, society is not less convinced of the absolute accuracy of the criminal justice system. A 2012 study by the University of Michigan and Northwestern University law school ranks Texas number three nationally in wrongful convictions over the last twenty years, behind Illinois and New York. ... In my time on this Court, I have voted to grant numerous applications for writs of habeas corpus that resulted in the release of dozens of people who were wrongfully convicted, and I conclude that it is wishful thinking to believe that this State will never execute an innocent person for capital murder. ... There is no rational basis to believe that this same type of human error will not infect capital murder trials. This is true now more than ever in light of procedural rules that have hastened the resolution of applications for writs of habeas corpus and limited subsequent applications for habeas relief. This Court has seen too many initial applications for writs of habeas corpus that were filed by ineffective attorneys, and yet applicants have not been permitted to file subsequent applications to challenge the ineffectiveness of those attorneys. The lack of a guarantee of effective counsel in an initial application for habeas relief, combined with this Court's refusal to consider a subsequent writ that alleges the ineffectiveness of initial counsel, increases the risk that an innocent person may be executed for capital murder based on the procedural default of a possibly meritorious issue. I conclude that the increased danger that a wrongfully convicted person will be executed for capital murder that he did not commit is an irrational risk that should not be tolerated by our criminal justice system. (Citations omitted.)
That critique should by no means be limited to capital cases. The same procedural defect prevents lots of legitimate innocence (and other valid) claims. Most habeas corpus writs, particularly non-capital ones, are submitted pro se by inmates without the benefit of counsel. Then later when a lawyer gets involved, there are many claims precluded by failures in the first, pro se writ. Happens all the time.

Maurice Chammah at the newly minted Marshall Project wrote a piece that framed the case in terms of ambiguous standards applied to whether a defendant is incompetent to execute, declaring that "the fact that Panetti is facing a lethal injection despite a 30-year history of documented mental illness demonstrates that the ambiguities of the legal standard of 'competency' ... are far from resolved." His points are well taken, but to me, the theme of the two dissents was more about the failure of the habeas corpus process to provide an adequate remedy for systemic failures and constitutional violations for the indigent. (The majority per curiam opinion was non-substantive.)

Judge Alcala's dissent emphasized the odd position in which Panetti finds himself thanks to the same lack of funding for indigent habeas corpus writs lamented by Judge Price above: "Appellant's motion requested funds so that he could make an initial showing of incompetency as required by Article 46.05. Despite the lack of any statutory provision that would provide funding for the appointment of mental health experts prior to the filing of such a motion, Article 46.06 requires an indigent defendant to make a threshold showing of incompetency." (Citations omitted.) From that description, the issue isn't so much "what is the standard for competency?" but "how can an indigent defendant meet the standard without funds to hire expert witnesses?"

The Court of Criminal Appeals receives thousands of habeas corpus writs each year and I've been told they take up more of the judges' time than direct appeals. Price and Alcala were discussing capital cases, but keep in mind that those are reviewed more stringently on appeal and in the habeas process, by far, than most other murders or other serious, "3g" offenses. Non-lawyer inmates author most non-capital habeas writs without the benefit of investigators, expert witnesses, lab work, or any of the other sorts of things that a competent appellate attorney might do, all of which costs real money. Many inmate writs are hand-written; some are barely literate. Then, because in the era of mass incarceration the volume of habeas writs has skyrocketed, the court installed strict limits on "subsequent writs" after the first one that effectively deny prisoners' ability to revisit even provably valid claims save for a handful of exceptions.

The issues surrounding the lack of indigent counsel in the habeas process isn't limited to capital murder cases, and often I wish society could discuss such topics outside the frame of hot-button culture war issues like the death penalty. These are questions of justice, not partisan tropes. Still, I'm thankful to the judges for highlighting a serious flaw in post-conviction jurisprudence that contributes significantly to the public's lack of confidence in the justice system. Cases like the San Antonio Four, Anthony Graves, Michael Morton, Fran and Dan Keller, and dozens of Texas DNA exonerees have demonstrated that a) flaws exist and b) they can only be rectified through a combination of luck and quality legal counsel advocating for them through the habeas corpus process.

Nobody ever raises this issue in the political arena because it would cost so much to provide counsel for habeas writs, people think a penny pinching Republican-controlled Legislature would never go for it. But as Judge Price said a decade ago, "Even Republicans want there to be fair trials," and perhaps today he might add, a fair appellate review. The fact that it's politically unlikely the Lege will solve a problem doesn't mean it can't or shouldn't be openly discussed, even if in Judge Price's case it's sort of a last hurrah.

Wednesday, April 10, 2013

Lege focused on least-bad band aids on mental health, competency and jails

At the Texas Tribune, Brandi Grissom has an item (published a week ago on their Texas Weekly subscription site) about a pair of bills addressing competency restoration in county jails, legislation that Grits had discussed the day before. One minor quibble: Grissom described Rep. Zerwas' and Sen. Duncan's bills as "companions" (i.e., identical bills filed in both chambers), but that's not quite accurate. They're not listed as companions on the capitol website. As I read it, Duncan's bill creates a two-county pilot, while Zerwas' legislation sets a more generalized rule allowing counties to perform competency restoration in jail (through the local mental health authority or a provider they help select) instead of at the state hospital.

Normally I'd say performing mental health treatment in jails instead of hospitals is a bad idea. But because incompetent defendants, including those only charged with misdemeanors, are spending many months in jail on waiting lists for state hospital beds to open up, providing mental health services while in lockup amounts to the least bad option. As Grits wrote last week, both bills are band-aids and by no means a substitute for an adequately funded community mental health system. Clearly the Texas Legislature won't provide adequate funding on their own (not in this session's budget, anyway), so the question becomes whether courts will at some point force them to spend more money treating incompetent, mentally ill defendants awaiting trial. The state lost the first round in the courts and pending litigation on the subject will likely be resolved, one way or the other, by the time the Lege meets again in 2015.

Tuesday, April 02, 2013

Band-aid bills no substitute for competency restoration funding

Bills up in committee today and tomorrow aim to treat some mentally ill defendants deemed incompetent to stand trial in county jails instead of state mental hospitals. But without significantly more funding for mental health services, Grits remains skeptical they'll have much effect.

In today's Texas Senate Criminal Justice Committee meeting, legislators will consider a privatization scheme for competency restoration services (i.e., helping the mentally ill stabilize so they're competent to stand trial). Sen. Robert Duncan's SB 1475 would establish two pilot programs that would hire contractors to perform competency restoration in county jails instead of sending incompetent inmates to a state mental hospital. Harris County already does something similar, but in-house in conjunction with the local mental health authority instead of using a private contractor. Duncan is from Lubbock, which has also experimented with competency restoration in-house. The programs would cost about $1.7 million per year.

No doubt something must be done to reduce the long wait times for state hospital beds. The state has said it cannot comply with a court order mandating that prisoners be accepted in competency restoration programs within 21 days. My own preference would be for counties to utilize a mix of outpatient and in-jail competency restoration, particularly for nonviolent and misdemeanor offenders, only sending folks to the state hospital in the most severe cases or when in-county services have failed. The state authorized a pilot programs a few years back to perform "outpatient" restoration, which in Harris County ended up meaning performing competency restoration in the jail. That's still an improvement over waiting for months in jail for a hospital bed to open up, then months more for treatments to kick in. But it's still not quite "outpatient" in my book.

Just as or arguably even more critical than the shortage of hospital beds is the systemic underfunding of community-based crisis services for people with mental illness. Ideally, the state should spend more resources to help mentally ill folks in crisis before they end up committing crimes. But without some game changing increase in funds - perhaps through Medicaid expansion under Obamacare - it's hard to see that happening given the state leadership's priorities.

In any event, we're long past the point where small-ish "pilot" programs will solve anything. The real problem, as has been the case for years, is that the state simply doesn't adequately fund mental health services in the criminal justice system, or for that matter, apart from it. The problem isn't inefficiency of government vs. the private sector, it's that the state doesn't spend enough for either government or the private sector to handle the massive volume of mentally ill people cycling through the justice system. The bill mandates that the pilots use private contractors (GEO Group says "thank you"), but this is very much a core government function and it makes little long-term sense to do it through a vendor instead of with state or county employees.

Duncan's pilot programs do not particularly bother me; I'd prefer to see more of this work done in-county, though I see little wisdom in the privatization aspect. But neither do they inspire me to think they offer any real solution.

Tomorrow, the Texas House Corrections Committee will consider legislation (HB 2349 by Zerwas) authorizing the Department of State Health Services to commission jail-based competency restoration programs using the local mental health authority or a provider they approve to provide services. That makes a lot more sense to me than handing the job off to the GEO Group or some other private contractor. Zerwas' bill would also establish a "conditional release pilot program" which would create a process for identifying jailed, incompetent defendants who have been incarcerated for more than a year, are not yet competent to stand trial, but are taking their meds and have been judged by mental health professionals to be capable of independently functioning and not a danger to the public. Perhaps that pilot should be extended to the state mental hospitals as well. Even better, perhaps the bill could be amended so that some competency restoration work could be performed on an outpatient basis from the get-go, particularly for nonviolent and misdemeanor offenses.

Personally, I prefer Zerwas' approach to Duncan's but both fail to address the core dilemma, which is that Texas has failed to adequately fund mental health and uses county jails as a substitute for community-based crisis intervention services. Grits is far from sanguine the Lege will do much of anything this session that seriously addresses the underlying lack of funding that's spurred this crisis. Certainly these two bills are merely band aids.

See prior, related Grits posts:

Tuesday, January 08, 2013

Spending pressures rise but Lege has opportunity to cut prison costs

The papers today are filled with relieved commentary over Texas Comptroller Susan Comb's new budget estimate which found that the state has $8.8 billion "left over" from the last budget and roughly $20 billion more in projected revenue than last session. Reported the Austin Statesman:
Combs’ official revenue estimate showed that Texas lawmakers, who convene at noon Tuesday, will have $101.4 billion in general revenue to spend in the 2014-15 budget, a 12.4 percent increase over the current two-year budget.

That amount would provide sufficient surplus revenue in the current budget to close some sizable holes and also cover the $96 billion that state agencies have said would be necessary to maintain the current level of services for a growing population. Combs also projected the rainy day fund would have $11.8 billion available.
Much of that increase, though, is an illusion. State budget writers intentionally underfunded Medicaid by $5.4 billion - an amount they must immediately pay once session begins - and once that's spent, they'll have just enough general revenue to cover the amount state agencies have requested for the biennium. That's hardly a huge windfall, and that's before they consider reimbursing the billions in "dedicated" funds they raided to balance the budget in 2011.

Legislators could free up more by spending from the so-called Rainy Day Fund (Lt. Gov. Dewhurst has suggested spending one billion of it on a water plan), but with school finance litigation pending and local districts still reeling from $5 billion in cuts last session, public education is the big dog in the room likely to gobble up most of that "extra" money.

(One potential source that wasn't discussed in the revenue estimate is expanding the Medicaid program, for which the feds would pay 100% of the costs over the coming biennium. The more Grits considers the massive sums that expansion would bring into the state economy - and the amount of economic growth the state would eschew - the idea of rejecting it, as the Governor has suggested, seems absurdly short-sighted. Federal Medicaid dollars must be spent on medical services for the poor, but the massive infusion of federal spending would boost the state's tax base as that sector of the economy adds more workers and income, increasing the state's take from sales and property taxes down the line.)

All this to say, despite the impression given in the press that the Legislature is flush, the amount of marginal extra money available for new programs or projects will likely be rather small - certainly if they don't tap the Rainy Day Fund. The Lege won't need to take a hatchet to agencies as they did last time, unless it's volitional, but neither can the state start handing out goodies to special interests.

Grits has oft-lamented that the state budgeting process doesn't properly account for legislative actions that boost long-term costs, like criminal penalty enhancements whose effects will mostly be felt in the out years thanks to time tacked onto already long sentences. Former state revenue estimator Billy Hamilton echoed that concern generally, telling the Dallas News that the state should
do a long-range forecast of revenue and expenditures that looks five or more years into the future to better plan and see the implications of policy changes.

He said the state is unlikely to do that because it’s “eye-opening” and makes people think, “We’re going to have to change our ways here and make some adjustments or this isn’t going to work. It raises a lot of questions you don’t immediately have answers to.”
On the criminal justice front, there are several areas where Grits considers the system in need of immediate additional spending, but also areas where the Lege could further cut. Let's run through a few.

Thursday, November 08, 2012

Will new, 'anti-government' Lege invest in criminal justice system? Crime lab edition

Grits cannot understand why it is that Corpus Christi media not only consistently scoop their competitors around the state when it comes to covering recent, important changes at DPS crime labs, they almost seem to be the only market where local reporters are consistently interested in the issue. Most recently, a local TV station examined DPS' evidence backlog, noting that:
DPS in Austin recently issued a letter to all law enforcement and district attorneys with some troubling details stating that "seizures and submissions have increased" and that "blood alcohol cases has also skyrocketed." It goes on to say that it has resulted in a "significant impact on the ability of the laboratory system to conduct controlled substance analysis in a timely manner."

And that means making some temporary changes. To be able to lighten the load on the labs, a limit on how many items can be tested in DNA has been set. No more than ten items can be sent to the lab for testing. before, investigators had no limit.

The county also decided that when it comes to drug cases, our lab for now will only test harder drugs.
There's been surprisingly little media coverage nor, so far, public discussion of the need to further expand DPS crime lab capacity in the face of recent rationing. One wouldn't expect the agency to make a dent in the problem for less than a low-nine figure investment. In its Legislative Appropriations Request [pdf], the agency asked for an additional $20 million for additional controlled substances and DNA analysts, but from all I've heard that's a stopgap figure; it would cost more to proactively prepare for the upward growth curve in demand for crime lab services. OTOH, outsourcing the backlog in the long-run could cost even more.

Crime labs and an expanded number of forensic beds at state mental hospitals are arguably the two criminal-justice related areas where underinvestment in the face of rapidly rising demand has reached critical stages, with large backlogs coming to openly hinder administration of the justice system. It's difficult to say whether those two items are even on the radar screen of state budget writers, but I suspect if not, there will soon be folks from the counties teeming forth to educate legislators - including the astonishing 49 new, rookie legislators! - behind the scenes. It'll be an interesting quandary for a Tea-Party skewed Legislature. Now that, as Paul Burka put it, "Texas politics [has fallen] into the hands of folks who see no use to government at all," will the Lege invest in core state criminal-justice functions beyond the prison system, smartly cut them, or just allow them to decay?

From my limited knowledge of infrastructure costs for these core government functions, the Legislature could invest between $300 and $500 million just on crime labs and new forensic beds (plus staffing and support) without anyone accusing them of immodesty. There will be contractors who want to privatize the competency restoration function, but they bring perverse incentives to the table and in the near term the state needs to physically construct more beds, whoever will run them. Meanwhile, DPS crime labs could shift to a fee for service model, which Grits has supported, but even then, present capacity would not long be sufficient Alternatively, the state can limp along with the status quo until some court order or other unseen development in the future spurs them build more capacity or rapidly privatize services. Governing is hard. Stay tuned for the answers in the coming 83rd biennial Texas House of Mirrors budget.

See related, recent Grits posts:

Sunday, October 21, 2012

State sending some defendants big bills for competency restoration costs

Criminal defendants declared incompetent by the courts are receiving bills from state mental hospitals asking them to pay for competency restoration services, Eric Dexheimer at the Austin Statesman reported ("State bills some court-detained mental patients for their care," Oct. 20). The woman highlighted in the lede was told she owed an astonishing $97,728. "She is being billed at the rate of $509 a day."

When a defendant is declared incompetent, the court has decided they cannot make decisions for themselves - they can't even plead guilty to the charges unless the court decides they're sane enough to do so. But somehow they're suddenly responsible for inpatient mental health care they didn't ask for and don't want? Shouldn't the bill go to the county that sent the inmate there? After all, isn't the county really the client in such circumstances? They're the ones soliciting and requiring the services, not the defendant.

Heck, there are some incompetent defendants who've been held for 20 years or more; imagine the bills those folks have racked up, if they ever get out.

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

State paying bond interest on privatized forensic psych facility

Not only did the Legislature in 2009 approve a contract with a publc-private psychiatric facility in Montgomery County that the state Department of Health Services never requested (the GEO-Group run facility was tacked on during the budget conference committee), now it turns out the state is paying interest on the construction bonds. The Statesman's Andrea Ball reported ("Is state paying off bonds for county-owned psychiatric hospital?", Sept. 17):
The Department of State Health Services has spent more than $2 million on bond interest for a psychiatric hospital that it doesn't own and that was championed by Senate Finance Chairman Tommy Williams.

But that's not all the state is paying for, said Montgomery County Commissioner Ed Chance, who spearheaded the effort to build the Conroe facility. If its allocations remain the same, State Health Services will eventually pay off the entire $32 million Montgomery County borrowed to finance the hospital, he said.

"If they hadn't agreed to the funding behind it, we wouldn't have built it," Chance said.

The state maintains that it's not covering the total cost of the hospital's construction, just the interest. State Health Services pays the county $15 million a year for psychiatric services for patients accused of crimes and deemed incompetent to stand trial. 
Ball further observed that: "On its face, the state's contract with Montgomery County seems to prohibit any payments on the facility. 'Department funds must not be used to purchase buildings or real property,' the contract states. 'Any costs related to the initial acquisition of buildings or real property are not allowable.'"However, "State Health Services, however, says interest payments are acceptable because they are considered an ongoing expense of the facility." But think about it: If you take out a mortgage to build your house, isn't the interest part of the cost of construction? The same is true for this project.

This project was borne of a backroom deal at the Lege and never fully vetted - certainly in public hearings - before legislative budget writers surprised virtually everyone except insiders with its inclusion in 2009. But this seems too much: Montgomery County and the GEO Group should be required to repay the interest already forked over by state taxpayers and those payments should be ended going forward. Such deals are referred to as "privatization," but in reality only profits are privatized and costs are socialized.

See past, related Grits posts:
RELATED: ReportingTexas.com has a preview of a Texas House County Affairs Committee hearing today in Houston related to competency restoration services. Regrettably, since it's not happening at the capitol, the hearing won't be broadcast live online.

Sunday, July 08, 2012

Man deemed incompetent held 20 years without trial for attempted murder, may be released

Eric Dexheimer at the Austin Statesman brings an update on the case of Brad Reinke, a man deemed incompetent to stand trial for attempted murder of his father 20 years ago ("Mentally ill defendant up for release despite fears he could return to violence," July 7). Now that he's spent longer incarcerated in jail and state hospitals than his sentence would be if he'd been convicted, the Court of Criminal Appeals has ordered him released, leaving prosecutors scrambling to keep him incarcerated.

Here's the Court of Criminal Appeals ruling on the case, which was fairly narrow, simple and unanimous. They said that the law is clear Reinke must be released when he's been held as long as the max sentence for the crime for which he was to be tried. Travis County prosecutors argued that should be read to include any possible sentence enhancements based on past offenses, but the court held that those cases had already been adjudicated, and that the only case for which Reinke was "to be tried" was the attempted murder beef.

This circumstance highlights the flaws of treating the criminal justice system as the main access point for indigent mental health care. It's the old problem: When the only tool you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail. The law allows for civil commitment if Reinke is still dangerous - and some still think he is - but his recent behavior record at the hospital has been good and may disqualify that option.

For 20 years Travis prosecutors have kicked this case down the road until now they can't anymore. Finding other options for Reinke outside the forensic mental health system has never been a priority to the state because they already had a justification for locking him up without a trial. But that was never a permanent solution, which has now become clear. If he's dumped from the jail to the streets after 20 years with little support or supervision, that's the worst possible outcome from his long-term legal limbo.

And yet, it makes little sense for him to take up a valuable forensic bed at a state hospital that could go to defendants who could actually be helped. And the Travis County Jail, where he's been for the last two years, is not designed to house or treat mentally ill patients long-term. Even if Travis County prosecutors had prevailed at Texas' highest criminal court, the status quo for Mr. Reinke was untenable.

Michelle Mallee, a Travis prosecutor specializing in mental health issues, said "It's just a real horrible Catch-22." Indeed it is, and I don't envy any of the decision-makers in the process. But it's a Catch-22 exacerbated by the fact that our laws view mentally ill people who commit crimes primarily through a prosecutorial lens, from dangerous cases like Reinke who harmed his family to the murderer who committed acts of terrible self-mutilation, but also the homeless schizophrenic drunk cycling in and out of the county jail 50-60 times per year. The definition of insanity in Texas law has little to do with ant clinical definition, but instead amounts to a legal justification for punishment despite insanity if the actor understood what they did was a crime.

Texas needs more state mental hospital beds for long-term inpatient treatment, but not just to accommodate a broken system. Those beds will only be meaningful if they're part of an expansion of lower-intensity supportive housing options, with on-site supervision, care and case management at the most intensive settings and less restrictive, less-intensely supported facilities for those who prove able to operate in that environment. Grits isn't suggesting Texas reconstruct the old apparatus of insane asylums, though in the near term I do think the Legislature should fund enough new inpatient beds to solve the short-term crisis. But Texas cities need long-term supportive housing (at various levels of restriction) and a more flexible controlling legal framework to manage this small but troublesome and extraordinarily expensive group of long-term mentally ill people. After all, even if a judge agrees to civil commitment, the law requires Reinke be placed in the least restrictive environment, so there's no guarantee he'll be locked up, certainly not forever. Without a more flexible array of placement options, calling it a "Catch-22" understates the conundrum.

There's a limit to the effectiveness of punishing the mentally ill without a trial, verdict or sentence, and in Brad Reinke's case the state just reached it.

Sunday, June 03, 2012

Incompetent Waco defendants in legal limbo

The Waco Tribune-Herald has a depressing report today ("Mentally disabled men in legal limbo," behind paywall) on a pair of competency restoration cases gone awry, where District Attorney Abel Reyna appears prepared to keep charges pending indefinitely - racking up significant county expenses for periodic evaluations - out of some misconceived hubris:
Two mentally disabled men who reportedly committed minor felony offenses remain on a legal merry-go-round because the McLennan

County District Attorney’s office will not dismiss the charges and a doctor has deemed that they never will be competent to stand trial.

A third mentally disabled man had been caught up in the judicial system with the other two until he died of cancer in April.

The district attorney’s office dismissed the felony burglary of a habitation case against him two days before he died, but only after the man’s attorney convinced prosecutors that his illness rapidly would overtake him.
The direct costs are racking up while the men wait for months on end in legal limbo:
While the criminal cases are pending, the men and their families or caregivers are required to come to court every 120 days for a status hearing. The law says the men must be re-examined by a mental health professional paid for by the countyevery 120 days to judge their competency and their lawyers are paid by the county for each court appearance.

A psychiatrist is paid $600 for each examination and the lawyers are paid about $150 for each court appearance.

The three men have been examined three times each and been in court three times each, costing taxpayers about $6,750 in fees so far. And that does not include the cost for the brief stints they spent in the McLennan County Jail.
One of the men is retarded with an IQ of 55 who broke into a doughnut shop ... wait for it ... because he wanted a doughnut. Even the doughnut shop owner doesn't want him prosecuted, but the DA won't dismiss charges.

Said the doughnut thief's attorney, "“The system is not accounting for people who have this kind of impairment,” [attorney Michelle] Tuegel said. “These people do not need to be committed or taken out of the placements they have. I realize if they have violent tendencies, that is one thing. But this guy has done great in his placement [a group home in Temple] for over a year now and he has never shown any signs of violent behavior.”

The article closes with a lament from an observer uninvolved with the case that, in instances like this, the criminal justice system has become a if not the primary point of entry for access to mental health services.
Dr. Lee Carter, a Waco psychologist who is appointed by the court to make competency determinations but has not been involved with these men, said the cases illustrate flaws in the mental health system, which have worsened in recent years because of state budget cuts to such services.

“Frankly, I don’t know the answer to this situation,” Carter said. “This is a perfect example of how the legal system has in too many ways become a mental health provider for the community.

“You get a certain number of people who are mentally retarded or certainly mentally ill who commit offenses, if not minor offenses, who keep coming through the legal system. I think the fact that these people keep coming through the courts highlights for the public at large that we are not doing a good job of caring for those in our midst who have special needs.”
Grits agrees with that sentiment, but that doesn't let Abel Reyna off the hook. Prosecutors are given discretion in such cases exactly to allow them to resolve intractable situations like this one. His failure to exercise it, not to mention his disdain for the rights of the accused, is on him.

In the big picture, though counties can't solve the problem by themselves. Last session, the Texas Legislature declared that defendants accused of misdemeanors couldn't be detained pretrial pending competency restoration for longer than the maximum length of their sentence. At a minimum, that same stricture should be extended to state jail felonies. But there needs to be more thought to how competency restoration is handled in more serious cases, including violent felonies, where decades may pass without competency being restored.

Until lately, competency restoration has been a legal and policy backwater that few people were even fully aware of outside of a few legal and medical specialists. However, a recent court ruling and competition over scarce resources at Texas state mental hospitals have pushed the issue to the fore. Time now for state policy makers to afford the subject much greater focus and resources during the 83rd Legislature. The problem only grows the longer they ignore it.

Sunday, May 27, 2012

Incompetent defendants may wait decades pretrial with no rights, options

Locked up 20 years pretrial, convicted of nothing, for being mentally ill? You better believe it.

At the Austin Statesman, Eric Dexheimer has a pair of excellent stories on competency restoration, one of which describes a mentally ill defendant - never convicted - held more than 20 years pretrial because he cannot be kept competent long enough to stand trial ("Defendants fill, linger in state's mental health facilities," May 27). Stunning. (Dexheimer also has a sidebar describing the competency restoration process for the uninitiated.) The main story opens:

Friday, March 30, 2012

Showdown brewing between Travis judge, state health agency over competency restoration

Disappointing, but not unexpected: The State of Texas says it cannot comply with Judge Orlinda Naranjo's court order requiring state hospitals to accept pretrial defendants declared incompetent by the courts within 21 days, and also asked the judge herself to reconsider her decision, reports Andrea Ball at the Austin Statesman ("State fights order to move prisoners requiring psychiatric care into hospitals," March 29):
State officials say they can't obey a court order forcing them to move more than 150 mentally incompetent prisoners to psychiatric hospitals by June 1 because they don't have enough space, staff or money to do so.

The Texas attorney general's office has asked Austin-based state District Judge Orlinda Naranjo to review her January decision forcing the Department of State Health Services to start moving all current "forensic commitments" to state psychiatric hospitals by June 1. All such prisoners who arrive after that date would have to be moved to a psychiatric hospital within 21 days of a judge's order. Forensic patients are people accused of crimes who have been deemed incompetent to stand trial because of mental illness.
Complying with the court order would cost between $39 million and $55.2 million, according to a motion for a new trial filed by the attorney general's office this month.

"The short timelines set forth in the court's order makes it physically, fiscally and logistically impossible for DSHS to comply and indicates a lack of appreciation for the magnitude of the task and the complications inherent in implementing the terms of the order," the state wrote in its motion.

The attorney general has also appealed the ruling with the state's 3rd Court of Appeals.
See prior, related Grits posts:

Friday, March 23, 2012

Competency restoration: Clinical vs. forensic assessments

One often hears folks in the system say that, though it's lamentable to use jails as a substitute for mental health treatment, at least sick people get services there. Seldom discussed, though, is that the process begins with a concerted effort to prove that mentally ill defendants are not, in fact, sick so they can be shown competent to stand trial. A presentation this morning at the Texas Criminal Justice Integrity Unit's mental health seminar by Dr. Bryan Scott - who assesses defendants' competency for Bexar County - identified some of the key distinctions between his forensic role and that of a clinical diagnostician, both in his discussion and his own demeanor and attitude toward the work.

Scott emphasized the radical differences between the role of a forensic mental health examiner vs. clinical psychologist psychiatrist. In a clinical assessment, he would typically run down a checklist of symptoms: Do you hear voices, etc.? In a forensic setting, he said, he doesn't interrogate symptoms, assuming malingerers would cop to all of them. but instead lets defendants bring symptoms to him. And when they do, he views them very skeptically, with his main task - and to hear him tell it the most "fun" part of the job - that of rooting out alleged malingerers (I say "alleged" because in one prominent example he insisted a man was faking though a jury had overruled him).

For example, instead of listing possible real symptoms, Scott will often suggest phony symptoms (e.g., are symptoms worse when you lie down, stand up, urinate, etc.?) to trip them up if they agree with items not associated with the possible illness. Or he'd ask a series of 50/50 questions ("Does a cow have three legs or four? Is a quarter worth 25 cents or a dollar.? Many mentally ill people, he pointed out, will answer those questions just fine. If they get most wrong, not 50/50 as you might if guessing, he assumes they're likely malingering. So that line of questioning is aimed at tripping up malingerers and merely wasting the time of the actually sick, and is not something you'd see in a clinical assessment.

In some cases, things that might cause a clinical diagnostician to think a mental illness more likely, said Dr. Scott, may mitigate against him believing a defendant. For example, mental illness (particularly bipolar and schizophrenia) are to some extent inheritable, so a family history normally implies it's more likely a patient will have the same problem. In the case of defendants, though, Scott said if their mother suffered from schizophrenia, a malingerer might have more intimate knowledge of symptoms and be able to mimic them. For this reason, he considers family history both "a rule-in and a rule-out" criteria.

Another key difference, said Scott: Forensic examiners determining competency do not have a doctor-patient relationship, though he does tell defendants "I'm here to help you." But his role is "not therapeutic," said Scott, who said it's a "totally different role than seeing a patient." He's not there to get them treatment. There is "no confidentiality," and he lets them know that up front. Indeed, he said, often defense attorneys will sit in on the interviews. That alone is a huge difference between the mental health treatment in jail and out: Is the client the client, or is the court the client?

Scott emphasized he wasn't assessing mental illness per se but legal competency to stand trial, declaring "Just because someone is delusional doesn't mean they're incompetent."

Dr. Scott's gleeful tone as he recounted "tricks of the trade" for identifying (or at least accusing) malingerers was difficult to suppress, and mostly he didn't really try. I don't say that to criticize him, at least too harshly (though at times it did seem a bit much). Malingering happens and somebody has to try to root it out. I certainly don't envy the task. Problem is, everybody including the legitimately ill, who are processed through the system in large numbers, get treated as potential malingerers on the front end, where possible diagnoses aren't probed so much to identify problems as to find excuses to ignore them. What a strange, almost perverse aspect of the system.

Thursday, March 22, 2012

CCA Integrity Unit hosts capitol seminar on mental health

Today and tomorrow the Court of Criminal Appeals' Criminal Justice Integrity Unit is holding a two-day seminar on mental health at the capitol. (See a flyer [pdf] for the event.) If you haven't registered (I understand it's full), you can watch online beginning at 9 a.m. this morning; go to the Texas Senate's video page and scroll down to the "Court of Criminal Appeals Seminar," clicking on the Real Player icon to launch the broadcast once it begins. The first day focuses on substance abuse issues; tomorrow they'll cover competency restoration, involuntary commitment, and representing the mentally ill.

Thursday, February 09, 2012

BSG (broke state government) seeking forensic mental health beds

Found in the want ads in the Houston Chronicle:
UT Health Science Center is hiring for positions including a psychiatrist, psychologists, nurses, hospital aides (psyc techs), social workers, nurse practitioners, physicians assistants, recreational therapists and a chaplain for two units they are opening in March 2012.

1. Adult Forensic Detention Unit at The University of Texas Harris County Psychiatric Center (UTHCPC): The forensic unit will treat mentally ill individuals with medicine, psychiatric and psychological treatment who have committed a criminal offense and are in jail awaiting trial.
Didn't know that was happening, but perhaps it will contribute to short-term relief with the shortage of "forensic beds" at state hospitals designated for competency restoration. Relatedly, at the Dallas News Somer Ingram had a story published February 6 discussing Judge Orlinda Naranjo's yet-to-be finalized ruling (pdf) on timely admission of inmates needing competency restoration into state hospitals, discussed on Grits here and here. The story ("State may be forced to find room for mentally ill inmates," behind paywall) opened:
The state could be scrambling to make room in medical facilities for hundreds of mentally incompetent prisoners after a judge ordered that they can no longer be housed long-term in county jails.

State District Judge Orlinda Naranjo of Austin is expected to soon finalize her ruling, requiring that inmates whose mental illness prohibits them from standing trial be moved to state psychiatric hospitals within 21 days of receiving the order to be committed. The ruling will force the already-underfunded Department of State Health Services to find room and money for these inmates.

The inmates have typically been ordered to get treatment at a state hospital to restore competency and be able to stand trial. But because there is a perpetual wait for the 800 hospital beds set aside for patients from jails, inmates are put on a “Clearinghouse List” and confined to county jails until space opens up in a state hospital.

Prisoners spent about six months in jail waiting for a bed in a psychiatric facility over the past two years, their mental states deteriorating even further without proper psychiatric care. In Dallas County, 77 inmates are waiting to be admitted to a state hospital. All have been waiting longer than the 21 days the new rules would require.

“Keeping incompetent pretrial criminal defendants confined in county jail for unreasonable periods of time prior to being admitted to a state mental health facility or residential health facility violates the incompetent detainees’ due process rights as guaranteed by the Texas Constitution,” Naranjo wrote last month, ruling against the state in a civil case.

Naranjo’s ruling comes as something of a wakeup call for the state, which has underfunded state hospitals for years and made jails de facto care facilities for the mentally ill. But finding space in the hospitals remains a challenge.

Experts worry that changing the rules with no additional funding will mean a greater share of hospital slots dedicated as “forensic beds” for inmates, and no room in state hospitals for patients who don’t come from the jail system.

Department of State Health Services spokeswoman Carrie Williams said the department is already looking at how it would logistically comply with the final order but hasn’t gotten far yet.

“The problem is that forensic beds don’t turn over very quickly because the lengths of stays can be quite long,” Williams said. “We are evaluating right now what resources we have, what options are available and what changes we might need to make. We’ll of course have to look at space and staff as well.”

The attorney general, representing the state, has not yet decided whether to appeal the decision.
This court ruling has been years in the making and is potentially a game changer, but it may also turn out to be a temporary "check" in a much larger chess match. How will the state comply? What happens if they don't? Will appellate courts (or for that matter judges in other jurisdictions) back Naranjo's order, which has statewide implications? (For that matter, I'm unclear whether the Court of Criminal Appeals would get the case or the Texas Supreme Court - I suspect the latter.) How many new forensic beds are needed to comply with the terms of her order¿Quien sabe? 

Though Naranjo enjoys the reputation in Austin as a moderately liberal judge, in many ways this is a classically small-government ruling, as borne out by the critical passage in which she concluded that "the nature and duration of commitment of the Incompetent Detainees bears no rational relationship to the purpose for which those detainees are committed and the relevant state interests do not outweigh the Incompetent Detainees' liberty interest." (Emphasis added.) In other words, the state can't hold an individual just out of convenience. Individuals' incarceration in the county jail must bear some "rational relationship to the purpose for which those detainees are committed." It's almost the kind of thing Barry Goldwater might have said.

Yet the state does have a rational interest in prosecuting crimes and ensuring, to the extent possible, that mentally ill defendants don't go on to harm others. But if the state wants to perform that function, says Naranjo, it must invest sufficiently in competency restoration infrastructure not to violate mentally ill defendants' constitutional rights, which in her view kick in after 21 days. Notably, the attorney for Disabilty Rights Texas, Beth Mitchell, told Grits she'd have preferred that the ruling require state hospitals to accept defendants immediately when courts declare them incompetent, which she said may typically happen within 7-8 days, but Judge Naranjo decided to give the state more leeway.

A table at the end of the Dallas News story shows Harris County with remarkably fewer inmates waiting long-term for beds than Dallas and some other large jurisdictions. Though unstated in the article, I'm told this is because of one simple, critical fact: Harris County doesn't wait to treat incompetent inmates until they're sent to the state hospital! They screen, identify and assess mentally ill defendants quite rapidly on the front end - as they're entering the jail. In particular, wherever possible, the jail identifies mentally ill inmates' medications through past jail records, prescription-drug databases, from their personal physicians, local clinics, etc., particularly for frequent flyers. Often the first steps toward competency restoration begin well before anyone issues a court order to that effect. The result: Harris has a lot fewer backlogged inmates awaiting competency restoration for long stretches, and those Harris sends to state hospitals tend to have shorter lengths of stay compared to other jurisdictions. (Harris, the state's largest county, had 9 inmates who'd waited longer than 60 days for a bed, according to the Dallas News, compared to 66 in Dallas who'd waited longer than 70 days.)

Replicating Harris' approach requires devoting resources on the front end, which was well worth it in Houston because they're such a carceral Goliath. Necessity so often finding itself the Mother of Invention, Harris County's example lights the path for other counties facing the same problem, which is basically all of them so long as state hospitals are full: Implement early screening and diagnosis soon after entry into the jail along with an aggressive effort to identify patients' current prescriptions to minimize lapses and help prevent further de-compensation.

Similarly, Nueces County recently launched a pilot, grant-funded Competency Restoration Program, the Caller-Times reported Jan. 27, under which inmates "would wait days, not weeks, to begin state-ordered treatment to be get competent for trial." That's exactly the approach counties should be taking, big and small. If Harris and Nueces can both do it, size isn't so much a factor as funding and want-to. (If counties update all their case dispositions, perhaps the Governor's Criminal Justice Division would look favorably on funding startup costs for such efforts.)

It's Grits perception, though, that most counties haven't been nearly that proactive in addressing the problem. They may have to be. The Lege couldn't even authorize new beds for at least a year, and even then I'm not sure where they'd find them. (Maybe there are contractors willing to run a secure facility, but the state could also have to build more beds to comply. Who knows?) Or the state and/or counties could invest in quicker processing on the front end like in Harris and Nueces to resolve the problem before defendants get to the state hospital.

It'll be fascinating to see how Judge Naranjo's court ruling plays out because, judicial good intentions aside, state hospitals can no more manufacture extra hospital beds to comply with this mandate than the miser can squeeze coins from a stone. And there are so many unanswered questions: If they comply by reducing the number of non-forensic beds, what would be the unintended consequences? Might the Governor's Criminal Justice Division or some other source (heaven knows who) step up with grants to plug the gap? For that matter, given current budget circumstances, what happens if May 2013 comes and goes and the Lege hasn't ponied up money to resolve the situation? Most critically, what leverage will Naranjo have to enforce the order, and what modifications might be sought by the state? I'm proud of the judge for issuing that ruling, but for the moment it raises more questions than it answers.

MORE: From the Texas Tribune.

See prior, related Grits posts: