Showing posts with label Sunset. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sunset. Show all posts

Monday, April 12, 2021

A dirty, uncomfortable feeling: TCOLE Sunset bill lame, inadequate, and kicks can down the road on the biggest police accountability issues

After staff at the Texas Sunset Commission issued a scathing assessment of the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement, the legislation enacting their vision couldn't be more disappointing. The bill passed out of committee as filed this week with no changes.

It would create a blue-ribbon commission to evaluate all the biggest questions, even though Sunset staff already identified the problems. See Grits' write-up of Sunset staff's concerns for more detail, but big picture, Sunset staff said "Texas' Approach to Regulating Law Enforcement is Ineffective" and "the state’s regulation of law enforcement is, by and large, toothless." They cited a "fragmented, outdated system with poor accountability, lack of statewide standards, and inadequate training."

Further, they declared "The state’s regulatory model, bifurcated between state and local government, creates significant gaps that undermine the purpose of statewide licensure, and does not best ensure public safety or law enforcement accountability and transparency."

Last but not least, the Sunset review found that "TCOLE’s minimum training standards are outdated and ultimately do not meet the evolving needs of law enforcement personnel in Texas."

None of this is being addressed, even though solutions are apparent for most of the problems.

You see, TCOLE is not like a regular licensing agency. If they were licensing plumbers or beauticians, they would identify oversight required to keep the public safe, calculate the costs, then charge licensees a fee to cover it. TCOLE is the only licensing agency I'm aware of to which licensees pay no fees. Their money largely comes from a fund generated by court costs which have been declining in recent years and is scheduled to run out.

So there's a strong argument to charge TCOLE licensees a fee, anyway. But that's even more the case when you realize there's so much they need they can't pay for: Curriculum development specialists, issue-area-experts, an expanded decertification program (appeals require lawyers), more inspectors to ensure training requirements are met ... even tasks like gathering data from the Sandra Bland Act get messed up because the agency has no staff or expertise to assign to it.

TCOLE needs expanded authority and expanded staff. Creating a licensing fee is how to pay for the extra staff. It's how every other licensed industry pays for oversight. If the Legislature won't enact licensing fees in this Sunset bill, at a minimum they should add a requirement to the bill that the "blue ribbon commission" study creating them.

As for expanded authority, TCOLE is one of only a handful of states whose authority to decertify officers who engage in misconduct is so incredibly limited. In Texas, officers must be convicted of a felony, a serious misdemeanor, or be dishonorably discharged as an officer TWICE before TCOLE can decertify them. According to the Sunset review, more than 2,800 officers over five years were dishonorably discharged in Texas, but only nine lost their licenses.

The easiest, most high-impact reform the Legislature could make in the TCOLE Sunset bill would be decertify officers licenses when they're dishonorably discharged. The legislative fix is easy: delete the final clause of Sec. 1701.4521 of the Occupations Code. Here's how to do it:
Sec. 1701.4521. LICENSE SUSPENSION FOR OFFICER DISHONORABLY DISCHARGED. (a) The commission shall suspend the license of an officer licensed under this chapter on notification that the officer has been dishonorably discharged if the officer has previously been dishonorably discharged from another law enforcement agency.
There's already an appeals process in place. TCOLE might need more resources to manage a greater number of appeals, but that's not an insurmountable problem. And why even bother to license officers if misconduct so extreme they're "dishonorably discharged" isn't enough to take away their badge?

Decertification authority needs to be bolstered in other ways, some of which were captured in Rep. Vicki Goodwin's HB 2844. It doesn't make sense to wait until cops are convicted of felonies before they can lose their licenses, but that's the way the law reads now.

There are other, obvious changes needed. One small thing, but dear to my heart: Texas was once the "epicenter" of forensic hypnosis in America. But now that no police agency in the state admits to using it and it's no longer possible to get training in the discipline, it's time to "sunset" the forensic hypnosis certification program at TCOLE. Legislation is moving in both chambers to ban the practice from Texas courts and nobody showed up to oppose either bill. What's the point of keeping this dead discipline on the books?

Another unaddressed topic: The board membership at TCOLE needs to be expanded. IMO, three heads of local civilian-oversight agencies should be added to round out all the law-enforcement management and union interests represented.

Finally, Grits would like to see the Sandra Bland Data collection at TCOLE expanded to include police use of force, as New Jersey recently mandated. (If Grits had his way, they'd report every time they pointed their weapon.) Not only should this data be gathered, TCOLE should be staffed to clean, manage, analyze, and report on it.

Nothing like that is in the Sunset bill. They kick the can down the road and everyone is asked to wait patiently for a blue-ribbon panel's recommendations so they can then ignore them like they are suggested improvements now.

Leadership is saying they don't want to take amendments and prefer to keep the bill "clean," but to be honest, it all feels pretty dirty: Another regulator in thrall to the industry it regulates, only this time the industry capturing its regulators isn't electric-power producers, it's law enforcement. And it's not so much the regulators who've been captured (TCOLE boss Kim Vickers wants more resources and authority), it's the lawmakers who write the rules and draft their budgets who're hamstringing greater accountability.

Finally, the blue-ribbon panel itself as written is dominated by law enforcement interests and contains scarce few slots that could even conceivably be filled by anyone with a civil-rights or police-accountability background: It's theoretically possible but unlikely, and if it happens, it'll be one or two token appointments. This is a panel designed to defend the status quo, not to challenge it.

Grits was hopeful the TCOLE Sunset process would provide opportunities for accountability-focused police reform, but that doesn't seem to be the case so far.

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

Sunset recommendation for a 'blue-ribbon panel' on Texas police licensing agency: Grits wonders what's left to study?

The new Sunset Commission report for the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement came out earlier this month: A once-every-12-years review of agency functions and practices. The good news: They didn't short sell the problems. (See more background here.)

Their issue #1 stated flatly that "Texas' Approach to Regulating Law Enforcement is Ineffective," an observation with which Grits wholeheartedly agrees. They described a "fragmented, outdated system with poor accountability, lack of statewide standards, and inadequate training."

What's more, "The state’s regulatory model, bifurcated between state and local government, creates significant gaps that undermine the purpose of statewide licensure, and does not best ensure public safety or law enforcement accountability and transparency."

This one is close to Grits' heart and familiar to long-time readers of this blog: "TCOLE’s minimum training standards are outdated and ultimately do not meet the evolving needs of law enforcement personnel in Texas." Training was outdated, they found, and continuing education requirements insufficient. The same was true not just for cops but jailers and 911 operators.

Further, Sunset staff opined, "the state’s regulation of law enforcement is, by and large, toothless." In particular, "Regulatory agencies should be able to hold licensees accountable for administrative violations, violations of standards of conduct, and criminal violations. However, state law only allows TCOLE to hold licensees accountable for criminal convictions or deferred adjudications, and violations of TCOLE statute and rule, including continuing education requirements."

The biggest shortcoming they found was the agency's inability to revoke licenses for serious misconduct:
TCOLE lacks explicit statutory authority to take action against other types of serious misconduct [beyond cases resulting in a criminal conviction], even when the behavior is relevant to an individual’s professionalism and fitness for licensure. For example, TCOLE was not able to take action against an officer who recently gave a dog feces sandwich to a person experiencing homelessness in San Antonio. The officer was fired, rehired by the city after arbitration, and then subsequently fired again for a second incident involving the use of feces. In contrast, if a licensee fails to maintain requirements for licensure, like continuing education, TCOLE has the authority to suspend, reprimand, or even revoke the license. In fiscal year 2019, the majority of TCOLE’s administrative enforcement actions, 68 percent, were taken in response to continuing education deficiencies. 
Well, Hallelujah! If the dog-shit sandwich guy can't be decommissioned, what use is a licensing agency?

Even with limited authority, Sunset staff reports between 500-600 officers per year lose their  licenses in dishonorable discharges over criminal convictions. A bit more than a quarter of those are later rehired at other agencies, Sunset staff found.  

These observations, as stark as they are, we've heard before. What's new is the conclusion they reach based on these observations: "Especially in today’s environment, rather than attempting to repair a fundamentally broken system, it is time to take a comprehensive look at how the state regulates law enforcement and make needed changes to protect the health, safety, and welfare of Texans as well as law enforcement personnel."

But after all these harsh criticisms, they propose a "blue-ribbon panel" to evaluate TCOLE's functions, coming back in two years with recommendations. Grits considers that unnecessary. Texas knows what a licensing agency should look like; the state runs a ton of them. They just need to empower the agency in statute and fund them at a level where they can fulfill their mission.

Luckily, Grits has identified a source for all the funds the state needs to ramp up regulation of police officers and do it right: Charge licensing fees, just like the state does for plumbers, hair dressers, doctors and lawyers. We don't need a blue-ribbon panel to accomplish it, just greater political will.

Yes, TCOLE's board is too law-enforcement slanted and their statutory mission too narrow and devoid of accountability functions, but these are just the sorts of things Sunset review is supposed to tackle. What will change two years from now and who are these "blue ribbon" experts whose advice we haven't already heard? Asking for a friend.

***

Meanwhile, coupled with other recent data, looking at TCOLE licensure reminds me that the Texas law-enforcement ecosystem is incredibly vast. According to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, Texas in 2015 spent $16 billion on criminal justice, which broke out thusly:
  • Police: 46.2%
  • Judicial: 17.8%
  • Corrections: 36%
Texas has nearly 80,000 licensed officers on any given day working for nearly 2,800 agencies, according to TCOLE. In 2019, reported Sunset staff, those officers "responded to reports of 120,508 violent crimes and 685,371 property crimes." In addition, we know from racial profiling reports that Texas police made 9.5 million traffic stops in 2019, giving 5.3 million citations for Class C misdemeanor traffic and parking violations plus another 1.1 tickets for municipal-ordinance violations (reported the Office of Court Administration). Throw in the Drug War - about a third of new felony charges are for drug offenses, reports OCA - and that's your 30,000-feet-view of the scope of Lone-Star law enforcement.

Most of this apparatus has operated unregulated and unobserved for many years, not just TCOLE but definitely including it. Governor Abbott has been criticizing advocates he says want to "defund the police" (though no Texas city has actually done so). Those sort of politicized stances go a long way toward explaining why law enforcement remains an area of Texas government untouched by either fiscal-conservative parsimony or 21st-century modernization during the GOP's 20-year reign over the state legislature.

The Sunset report calls on the Legislature to accept the mantle of responsibility for regulating police and encourages them to start with the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement. Grits agrees that's as good a place as any, if the Lege is looking for a spot to put their shovel in the ground.

Wednesday, July 15, 2020

Sunset review provides chance to restrict who in Texas gets to have a police force

To attempt to alter policing at a fundamental level is a vast undertaking. You're not changing one agency but thousands of them. America has more than 18,000 law enforcement agencies nationwide.

The general public rarely considers and likely barely conceives of the vast scope of law enforcement systems. Just in Texas alone, the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement reports that it regulates 2,740 agencies which collectively carry 80,130 peace-officer licenses and 22,944 jailers' licenses.

Law enforcement has grown in Texas in recent decades along several axes: The number of officers employed en toto has increased. The number of agencies has increased. The types of agencies which employ officers has expanded. Their proportion of local budgets have grown.

We're not just talking about the state's 254 county Sheriffs or its 1,800 or so municipal police departments. The Texas Code of Criminal Procedure 2.12 lists 35 categories of government entities that can employ peace officers, including the Dental, Medical, and Pharmacy boards, water control and improvement districts (!), and the General Services Commission (archaic: this is now the Texas Facilities Commission, which manages state properties).

But wait, there's more!

Railroad companies can employ their own licensed Texas peace officers, as can the Southwestern Cattle Raisers Association, whose offices are dubbed "special rangers" in the statute. Eric Dexheimer, now at the Houston Chronicle, had good coverage of this back in 2009.

In counties with less than 200,000 people, security officers for private colleges can be licensed through a local-area Sheriff or police department as "adjunct police officers" - up to 50 per institution.

Police employed by the Alabama Coushatta and Kickapoo tribes can be commissioned by TCOLE.

"School marshals" are licensed police officers in Texas, but unlike, say, Dental Board investigators or railroad company employees, the Code of Criminal Procedure insists that, "A school marshal may not issue a traffic citation." (At this, a light bulb went off over your correspondent's head: Powers of any of these 35+ categories can be limited!)

Thinking broadly, what is the scope of the "policing" industry in Texas? According to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics, Texas in 2015 spent $16 billion on criminal justice, which broke out thusly:
  • Police: 46.2%
  • Judicial: 17.8%
  • Corrections: 36%
So let's assume as a rough estimate that 46 percent of overall criminal-justice expenditures in Texas, state and local combined, goes to pay for these 80,130 police officers at 2,740 agencies.

None of this is new, but the problems have grown and little has been done to rein in unintended consequences from the explosion of law enforcement agencies and officers in the state.

Almost 16 years ago, when your correspondent was director of the Police Accountability Project at the ACLU of Texas, I presented written testimony on this topic to the Texas Senate Criminal Justice Committee, the first half of which focused on the proliferation of law enforcement agencies. Several of those criticisms still very much apply:
  • Gypsy cops: Officers with histories of misconduct move from agency to agency with no consequences, particularly in smaller jurisdictions.
  • The pool of quality police supervisors in Texas simply is not deep enough to manage 2,540 different agencies. (Grits' note: Today, it's 2,740 agencies.) That means many of these special agencies are being led by managers who are frankly unqualified.
  • Smaller forces don't have sufficient resources for modern, high quality training or equipment for more specialized work needed to solve serious of crimes.
The second part of that testimony, for those interested, discussed Texas' string of "regional narcotics task forces" employing more than 700 officers which were ultimately defunded under Gov. Rick Perry and abolished after a six year campaign. Reading through it, the criticisms sound like those raised in the audit of the Houston PD Narcotics division!

Grits remains skeptical America can ever completely "abolish" police. But I'm downright enthusiastic about abolishing certain types of police, starting with narcotics officers, school cops, and maybe while we're at it, the dental and pharmacy boards, etc.. As the Texas Commission on Law Enforcement undergoes Sunset review, staff and legislators should consider paring back the long list of approved agencies that get their own police force. When it comes to expanding that list, we have long past the point of diminishing returns.

Saturday, December 28, 2019

TX county jails seek to avoid, fail to cooperate with investigations into medical deaths, says Jail Standards Commission's Sunset 'self evaluation'

Grits took time this morning to read through the Texas Commission on Jail Standards' self evaluation created as part of the "Sunset" process, through which the Texas Legislature evaluates agencies' functions every few years. For my own purposes, I took a few notes. Here are the highlights:

For starters, jail capacity in Texas has increased more than five-fold over the last 36 years, during which time the state's population didn't quite double: "From 1983 to date, the number of county jail beds has increased from 19,000 to 96,578." About 2/3 of those beds are full at any point in time.

Evading death investigations through creative, post-hoc dismissals
TCJS identified a recurring pattern where some counties claim someone who died in their custody had been released in order to avoid an outside investigation. The problem arises when:
the county claims they have released from custody because a judge has dismissed the charges. While the inmate technically may no longer be in custody, there is a very real possibility that the events that contributed to their death occurred while they were in custody and preceded their PR Bond or transfer to the hospital. By not reporting the death, the jail avoids the required criminal investigation. This could be viewed as circumventing the intent of the legislature and existing statutes.
The agency has requested an Attorney General's opinion to clarify the issue, but that "does not guarantee a solution."

'Several times per year' jails seek to conceal medical records from TCJS death investigators
Some local jails, particularly those who contract out medical care, have sought to prevent TCJS from accessing inmate medical records as part of death investigations. Because part of their role is determining whether jail staff followed physician's orders, this would keep them from providing meaningful oversight in such cases. From the report:
Several times per year, the agency will encounter opposition when requesting inmate medical records. This most often occurs when dealing with a facility that utilizes a contract medical provider. Other situations in which this has been an issue is when a facility is using a contract provider for mental health services. When this occurs, the provider most often cites HIPAA as the reason for their reluctance or refusal to provide access. In other cases, the provider will claim that the creation of these records are “proprietary” and not subject to disclosure. When either of these situations is encountered, it slows down the process of trying to determine if there were any violations of minimum standards in an extremely important area. Failure to provide adequate healthcare can have dire consequences, up to and including death. Unfortunately, we have determined on several occasions that jails have failed to follow physician’s orders, and being able to identify and correct this issue is extremely important. Current state law and the federal act regarding disclosure of medical records provides an exemption that we have been able to utilize in the past when this issue arises. However, there is still opposition as entities misinterpret (intentionally or due to lack of knowledge) this exemption and slow down the resolution of complaints and investigations. (emphasis added)
Dealing with rulebreakers more quickly
The agency tends to focus on administering technical assistance to jails that violate rules as opposed to using punishments to provide incentives. "Over the past decade, the agency has expanded the amount of technical assistance provided to jails to reduce potential areas of non‐compliance. This approach has been well received by county officials and has allowed staff to focus on larger issues while correcting minor ones at the time of inspection." (See here for examples of inspection reports.) But as a result of recent legislation, counties will be expected to regain compliance more quickly following rules violations:
When first created, the agency’s enabling statute allowed a county up to one year to regain compliance. This provision has recently come under criticism as being too long. One of the bills from the 86th Legislative session now requires facilities that are operated by a private vendor and fail an inspection to appear before our board at the next regularly scheduled meeting. These meetings take place on a quarterly basis, which significantly reduces the amount of time we would expect a facility to remain in non‐compliance.
How other states handle jail oversight
The report includes an excellent, three-page table (pp. 6-8 in the paginated document; pp. 8-10 of the pdf) describing how other states handle oversight of local jails. It's a very nice little compendium of the agencies, enabling statutes, and basic jail oversight functions across states.

Agency as 'referee'
State government regulates jail conditions, but local Sheriffs operate the jails and county commissioners courts provide their funding. This disconnect among responsibilities can inject the jail standards commission into local political fights:
County jails are rarely a priority for local government but represent one of the largest liabilities for them. This can create friction at the local level and prevent effective and constructive communication between the sheriff, who is responsible for the jail’s operation, and the Commissioner’s court, which is responsible for funding it. These are local issues created by local decisions, but they directly impact the effectiveness of the program. With a goal of having all jails operate in compliance, the agency is sometimes placed in the unenviable position of referee in our attempts to meet our goal.
Training new Sheriffs a particular problem
From the agency's perspective, every newly elected Sheriff amounts to a role of the dice. They all run on a "keep us safe" political platform that pretends they're out leading posses chasing bad guys and barely mentions the jail management function which, for most of them, is the most significant and time consuming part of their job. From the report:
Every four years, there is approximately 33% turnover of the sheriffs from the previous cycle who are taking office for the first time. Depending upon their background and previous experience, their understanding of jail operations and the role of the agency varies greatly. Early outreach and education occasionally alleviate some of the issues but not always and not with all the issues.
Shift to electronic reporting despite county opposition
The agency will finally stop receiving paper reports that have to be re-typed into spreadsheets and have counties begin providing statutorily required data electronically.
With the passage of HB3440 (86R) by Caprigilone, over the next two‐year cycle, the agency will be phasing in electronic reporting. This will consist of counties submitting to the agency each month a “locked” excel spreadsheet containing the statutorily mandated data. Prior attempts had been met with resistance from counties, but it is no longer feasible or even responsible to have one FTE assigned to nothing but data entry in 2019. By having the counties submit this data electronically, the FTE previously assigned will now perform quality control checks and simply import the data into the agency database. From there, the data can be used to run multiple reports that we are required to create. It is anticipated that the FTE previously assigned can now assist with other duties and functions of the agency as assigned.
Disconnected county computer networks prevent real-time data analysis
The agency is frustrated that legislators expect them to be more closely tracking data from local jails than they are technically able to at the moment, not just because of statutory reasons but because of technical issues related to linking disparate computer networks:
Efforts to educate members of the legislature about our ability to carry out certain tasks they would like accomplished are sometimes met with “dismissiveness.” Most of this is related to data collection and information submitted by the counties. At this time, there is no central database or portal into which counties can enter and submit information “real time.” The monthly population reports are simply a snap‐shot of the inmate population on the first of the month. The other reports required by statute are daily counts but deal with specific segments of the inmate population not the entire population. Part of the issue with this inability to tie the 240 county jails into a network is that each county has purchased or developed their own software with varying levels of compatibility and capability.
Low jailer pay degrades professionalism
The report directly linked a lack of professionalism among county jail guards to low pay.
With each county jail owned, funded, and operated by local government, they are the ones that decide how much to allocate for jail staff salaries. In an overwhelming majority of counties, the starting pay is a major drawback and jails have a difficult time recruiting and retaining qualified staff. This is an underlying factor in almost every instance of non‐compliance and makes it difficult for Jail Administrators to manage and operate a jail. This results in a wide range of professionalism amongst the jails that we regulate. This in turn requires agency staff to provide additional technical assistance to county jails to assist them in operating safe and secure facilities.
How 'jails have become mental hospitals, and jailers have become social workers'
The agency suggests additional training for local jailers on mental health, especially in rural counties, but they recognize the mental-health problem is bigger, more structural, and fundamentally budget-based than a training-only response can solve:
One area that we are exploring for possible expansion is mental health training. Interaction with an individual with mental illness is challenging even in the best of circumstances. Once a person with a mental illness enters the criminal justice system, that challenge is exacerbated by a factor that is simply hard to quantify. With insufficient mental health providers to service the general public, the need in jails is even greater. With an estimated 30% of the inmate population either diagnosed or exhibiting signs of mental illness, the demand far exceeds supply. By default, the result is that our county jails have become mental hospitals, and jailers have become social workers. Neither the facilities nor the staff that operate them are properly equipped to handle this continuing issue, and no long‐term solution is in sight.
"Difficult and unpopular would be the two most accurate words to describe any possible solution" to overuse of jails for mental health purposes, the report opined.

Administering "Prisoner Safety Fund" now a key agency function
In addition to its traditional functions, the agency now lists as one of its six key functions the administration of the "Prisoner Safety Fund," which state Rep. Garnet Coleman created under the Sandra Bland Act in 2017. That fund had its authority expanded earlier this year. Here's what it does:
Prisoner Safety Fund. The 85th Legislature created the Prisoner Safety Fund as part of SB1849(85R). The original purpose of the fund was to assist counties that operate a jail with a capacity of 96 beds or less with meeting the technology requirements set forth in the bill. There were two areas specifically targeted. The first was the ability to verify observation checks of the inmates by staff in high‐risk areas by an electronic means. This can be accomplished via camera or electronic sensor. The second was the provision to allow access to mental health services 24 hours a day via tele‐mental health services. The 86th Legislature amended the criteria in HB4468(86R) and increased the number of counties eligible to those that operate a facility with a capacity of 288 beds or less.
So the Legislature has created a fund specifically to prevent jail suicides and facilitate provision of mental health services. That could afford some interesting opportunities going forward, although each new funding battle will be a struggle. Certainly the problem hasn't been solved yet, as an AP report emphasized recently. See a detailed discussion of the (relatively modest) grant program beginning on page 71 of the pdf.) Most of the money in the fund has not been spent yet.

Records maintained by the Jail Commission
For those seeking records from the agency, here's a good description of what they have:
The Assistant Director authenticates the reports and data submitted. The following is authenticated to ensure accurate reporting of measures:
(1) Agency Calendar. Each entry is  required to have an associated memorandum prepared by the staff member involved in the activity. The staff member submits these memorandums to the Assistant Director, who reviews each entry on the calendar to ensure that a memorandum is available.  
(2) Inspector Activity Log. Each inspector is required to submit a monthly activity report. The Assistant Director compiles these reports into the Inspector Activity Log and verifies them for accuracy by reviewing a master log maintained by the Assistant Director. Any discrepancies are checked against the county’s inspection files, which are maintained in the agency file room. 
(3) Planning and Construction Log. The planner submits a log. Any activity that is designated as a key measure is reviewed by the Assistant Director to verify that the activity is denoted on the calendar or monthly activity report and that a memorandum is available. 
The Planning and Construction Log is maintained by the Planning and Construction Division and provided to the Assistant Director no later than the fifth day of the following month. The Planning and Construction Division notes the following:
  1. Technical Assistance provided to counties on site. 
  2. Occupancy Inspections conducted (pass or fail should be noted).
  3. Special Inspections conducted. 
  4. Training Attended/Conducted. 
Memorandums are submitted in order to document activities designated as key measures.
On pages 16-17 of the pdf is a list of all the datasets maintained by the agency. (Many of these are available on their website.)

Also, some researchers may find it useful to see the information commissioners are given at their meetings:
For each Commission meeting, a reference book is created that includes information on any issue that comes before them. In addition, this book contains current financial statements, copies of any audits or reviews that are periodically conducted by outside entities, and a listing of staff activities during the previous three months. There is also a section that contains the compliance status of all jails under our purview, number of complaints received against jails under our purview, population trends, and construction projects.
Forgotten history
Texas law has mandated safe and suitable jails since the 1920s, but the state didn't begin inspecting jails until 1969. That year, the federal court intervened in "almost 20" local Texas jails because of poor conditions. The Legislature changed the law to allow inspections. (Really, they removed a prohibition on inspections.) After that, "inspections were conducted of all 254 county jails, [and] all but six were found to be in violation of state law."

In 1974,  a survey revealed that 68 percent of jails did not provide 24-hour supervision; 121 left prisoners alone at night; 40 percent "slept prisoners on the floor."

The Legislature formally established the commission in 1975. By 1978, "The Commission became mired in controversy regarding funding, conflict of interest, and agency abolishment." However, 1979 witnessed, "Acceptance of Texas Minimum Jail Standards by Federal Courts and drastic reduction in federal court intervention. The Commission issued the first notices of non‐compliance [later that year], marking the beginning of enforcement efforts."

Inmates from outside Texas
A few county jails house contract prisoners from other states, in particular, "New Mexico, Arkansas and Idaho." New Mexico and Arkansas Grits can perhaps understand as a function of convenience,  proximity, and the logic of rural resources. The Idaho inmates, though, constitute their own mostly forgotten story; they're housed in a privately run facility down in Eagle Pass and the contract has caused lots of problems.

In addition, a few counties contract with private-prison companies to manage immigration-and-other-federal cases:
several federal agencies such as the Bureau of Prisons, Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and the United States Marshal’s Service, all contract for bed space that falls under the Commission’s regulatory authority and is subject to inspection. Included in this number are seven (7) privately operated facilities and the companies that operate them through inter‐governmental agreements between county and municipal governments.
Inmate and family complaint procedures
Starting at the bottom of page 47 of the pdf is a detailed discussions of procedures related to inmate an family complaints which may be useful to those who, you know, want to complain. However, one can't file a complaint with TCJS before first going through the local jail's grievance process. They're an oversight agency, not the first point of contact. (If you're going through this process, Grits would recommend contacting Diana Claitor at the Texas Jail Project, who has forgotten more about the subject of jail-grievance processes than Grits has ever known.)

AG punted authority to approve contract-inmate schemes to TCJS
Here's a weird tidbit about jail construction/finance I didn't know. Grits has covered numerous Texas county jails seeking to expand to house immigration detainees and other contract prisoners. But I was unaware that, in the early '90s, the Attorney General's Public Finance Division struggled with this question of
whether the financing of jails or detention facilities of substantial capacity intended to house inmates of governmental entities other than or in addition to those of the sponsoring entity meets the public purpose requirement for the issuance of bonds and other securities.
They decided to punt the issue to TCJS, requiring that the executive director provide a formal letter recommending construction. The commission grants these "if appropriate," but the report doesn't say how appropriateness is judged. It'd be an interesting project to gather all of these through open records to figure out how often speculative contract jails have been recommended and on what basis.

Saturday, August 25, 2018

Texas DPS getting a bum rap over proposed driver-license center closures

The press and politicians around the state are blaming the Texas Department of Public Safety for creating a list of 87 under-utilized rural driver-license centers for possible closure. Many of those centers have just one staff member and/or minuscule traffic.

Lt. Governor Dan Patrick was the latest to weigh in, declaring in a written statement, "I do not support the closing of these DPS offices." "I believe the Senators on the Sunset Committee will also make their voice clear on this next week."

Here's the problem with that statement: DPS only created the list because they were DIRECTED to do so by the Sunset Commission. In its April report (p. 3/p. 11 of the pdf) regarding the agency, one of the Commission's "Key Recommendations" for reducing lines at the license centers was to "Require DPS to develop and implement a plan to close inefficient driver license offices."

The Lt. Governor blamed the problem on drivers who don't renew their licenses online:
Patrick said the biggest problem for DPS license offices is that a majority of people visit them to renew their driver's licenses when they could do so online. He said the department needs to develop a more aggressive plan for educating drivers about renewing online. 
"I will be working in the next legislative session to ensure that DPS has the personnel and equipment needed so drivers can renew their license as quickly and easily as possible," he said. "However, the fastest and best way to significantly cut wait times now is simply to let the thousands of Texans who show up everyday, and don't need to be there, know that they can renew their license online."
But as Grits argued the other day, that critique amounts to blaming drivers for the government's failed systems and the Legislature's chintzy funding decisions. The Customer Service Center which takes phone calls from drivers with license issues is so understaffed that only 20 percent of calls are even answered, and 83 percent of those must wait on hold for 10 minutes or longer before they can speak to a person.

Although Sunset staff didn't address the underlying budgetary question, it's dire, and a huge aspect of drivers' confusion about where and how to renew licenses. According to the most recent DPS Strategic Plan, currently the agency's customer service center (CSC):
receives approximately 24,400 calls per day, but because of limited staff and technology it is only able to answer approximately 4,880 of those calls, 20% of the demand. The CSC is currently only able to answer about 17% of these 4,880 calls within 10 minutes, far below an acceptable customer service level. Customers are forced to call the CSC multiple times to enter the queue to speak with a Customer Service Representative (CSR). Once in the queue, customers must wait an average of 15 minutes before their call is answered.
That's a budget problem created by the Legislature, not a problem with DPS management. Fund the call center and confused drivers would have a way to know how best to engage with the DPS bureaucracy. As things stand, they show up at the driver-license center because there's no other way for them to engage with the agency to understand how to navigate the process.

Even that, though, won't fix the structural problems Grits identified earlier in the week. DPS revokes driver licenses for non-payment of debt about a half a million times per year, and all told 1.7 million people currently have their licenses revoked. That significantly increases the number of people showing up to renew their licenses every year. (California last year had to address the same issue, ceasing use of driver-license suspensions to punish non-payment.)

In the comments to that earlier Grits post, Mary Sue Molnar from Texas Voices added that the insensible requirement for nearly 100,000 sex offenders to renew their licenses annually (separate and apart from existing sex-offender registration requirements) also doesn't help the problem.

In essence, these structural problems with the licensing system mostly stem from driver-license "mission creep" - using them as a form of virtue signalling or debt collection as opposed to a mechanism for ensuring drivers have minimum driving skills and providing valid identification.

The biggest reason DPS isn't doing a better job of "educating drivers" is the legislative decision not to adequately fund the DPS Customer Service Center. But there are also policy changes that would reduce pressure on lines at the DL centers, in addition to public-education campaigns. And I've yet to hear a Texas politician talking about any of them, at least in the context of this debate. (Some of these conversations did begin in the 2017 legislative session, but more in the context of equity, not license-center lines.)

If lawmakers want to make sure the state can afford to give rural people a local driver-license facility, regardless of how infrequently they use it in sparsely populated areas, and also improve customer service for most Texans, then they must: 1) abolish the Driver Responsibility Program, 2) stop debt-related driver-license suspensions and collect debt using private-market best practices, 3) eliminate unnecessary annual renewals for sex offenders (thanks Mary Sue!,) and 4) give DPS the resources it needs to pick up the phone when Texans call their Customer Service Center.

Your correspondent, perhaps unexpectedly, has a lot of sympathy for DPS in this debate. In all of this they're reacting to legislative mandates: from the license suspensions to requiring sex offenders to renew annually to understaffing the Customer Service Centers to compiling a list of license centers for possible closure. They have done exactly what the Legislature asked them to do in each and every instance, and now they are being blamed for following orders.

Wednesday, February 13, 2013

Lege should send constitutional amendment to voters on Judicial Conduct Commission

The State Commission on Judicial Conduct receives about 1,200 complaints per year against Texas judges, executive director Seana Willing told a House Appropriations Subcommittee today. About half of those are people who don't understand the system and are improperly trying to use the commission as a sort of appellate process. Of the other 600 or so, most complaints are dismissed. Last year the commission gave 49 sanctions to Texas judges, she said,  down from a high of 79 or 80 several years ago. Almost all of the sanctions were "private" and the public may never know about them.

Sunset Commission staff complained at the hearing that the commission's confidentiality provisions wouldn't let them adequately evaluate the process, recommending the agency be evaluated again in six years instead of twelve. Moreover, Sunset implied that there really wasn't a good reason for so many informal findings to be secret, and one legislator pointed out that their own foibles were instantly public.

Though she never mentioned her by name, Willing raised the conundrum that caused Court of Criminal Appeals Presiding Judge Sharon Keller's misconduct finding to be overturned: The commission has access to a complete range of punishments in its secret proceedings, but in its public proceedings the range of punishments they can give are inexplicably limited. Sharon Kellers' misconduct trial was one of the commission's rare public proceedings (they've had 12 in 10 years) and their ruling was overturned because they chose to "warn" Keller instead of "censure" her. From any perspective it was an absurd and unsatisfying outcome, with the punishment deleted but the misconduct findings remaining intact. To fix the problem would require a constitutional amendment, said Sunset staff, that would require a one-time cost of $105,000 to hold an election.

I hope the Lege does send such a constitutional amendment to the voters. Sharon Keller's misconduct trial demonstrated there's massive confusion over conflicts between the state constitution, the statutes, and Texas Supreme Court rules governing judicial oversight. And Grits surely agrees with Sunset there's no good reason judicial misconduct findings should be secret.

Thursday, September 06, 2012

Legislators focused on reentry heading into session

The Texas Criminal Justice Coalition sent out an email today (see the online version) providing recaps of yesterday's Sunset Advisory Commission decision meeting regarding the Department of Criminal Justice (see Sunset's staff report) and Tuesday's Senate Criminal Justice Committee hearing (which Grits covered in some detail), including links to the group's written testimony.  See also a good SA Express-News story on yesterday's Sunset Advisory Commission meeting; here's a notable excerpt:
The Texas Sunset Advisory Commission — composed of state lawmakers and public members who periodically review state agencies — recommended changes Wednesday to better coordinate and focus on programs for offenders' re-entry into society.

The first step toward a plan: Write it down.

Sunset commission staff reported that “no written plan exists” nearly three years after lawmakers approved legislation requiring a re-entry plan.

A steering committee convened by the Texas Department of Criminal Justice, which also includes parole and prison education officials, hasn't yet established clear timelines to create such a plan, staff wrote.
There also is no comprehensive assessment of offender risks and needs, according to the report.

It said case management is fragmented and information sharing is limited among the criminal justice agency, the Board of Pardons and Paroles and the Windham School District, which serves the criminal justice system.

Besides calling for a written plan, the commission recommended requiring a system-wide risk and needs assessment for offenders and an individual treatment plan. The recommendations will go to the Legislature, which convenes in regular session in January.
TCJC also provided a link to the new report from TDCJ's Reentry Task Force (pdf), which included this welcome if long overdue bit of news regarding ID cards for prisoners exiting the system: "TDCJ, DSHS and DPS are in the process of finalizing interagency contracts for issuing the state identification card through an electronic process. A pilot program for identification card applications and processing will be operational in Spring, 2013."

Tuesday, June 12, 2012

Ward: Sunset may shift parolee supervision back to parole board

Mike Ward at the Statesman has more coverage of the recent TDCJ Sunset hearing, though IMO he overstates the chance that the parole board's authority will be substantially expanded. The story opens:

Tuesday, June 05, 2012

TDCJ Sunset highlights

The Sunset Commission today heard testimony regarding the Texas Department of Criminal Justice. See a press release and recommendations from the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition to the commission. TCJC also conducted a survey  of corrections officers in conjunction with AFSCME, as well as a survey of incarcerated individuals and family members.

See initial coverage of the hearing here and here. I got to sit in on bits and pieces of it, veering back and forth from the Sunset hearing to a seminar on forensic science held by the Court of Criminal Appeals Criminal Justice Integrity Unit and the Forensic Science Commission.

There was some effective public testimony from an inmate family group I hadn't heard of before called "All Of Us Or None," which I'm told is active in California but relatively new to Texas. Several family members gave quite compelling testimony, while some former inmates showed up to advocate for vocational training at the Windham School District.

One of the more bizarre moments in the hearing came when city of Houston victim advocate Andy Kahan testified in favor of long-term "set offs" for violet offenders up for parole, allowing the parole board to push back their release by up to 15 years, modeling his suggestion on what he claimed (I haven't checked it) is a common practice in California. Normally, said Kahan, he wouldn't suggest following California's lead, but he had to give credit where it's due.

Grits wanted to stand up and holler from the back of the room, "Do you know what else they have in California? A federal court order to reduce their inmate population by 37,500!" But nobody from the dais called him on it. For the record: Moving to 15 year set offs for even a fraction of violent offenders would be a total budget buster.

Here are a few data from the parole board Grits found interesting: Hearing examiners for the BPP held around 20,000 revocation hearings last year, with another 8,000 or so parolees waiving their right to a hearing. Of those 28,000, there were around 6,400 revocations to prison. The agency is on track to revoke slightly fewer this year, the committee was told. Matt Simpson at the ACLU of Texas testified that parole-eligible TDCJ inmates number around 58,000 and cost the state a whopping $2.7 million per day, or nearly a billion dollars per year.

Sen. John Whitmire made some strong points while parole board chair Rissie Owens was testifying, complaining that TDCJ failed to provide treatment for prisoners until the parole board ordered it as a condition of release. Why shouldn't addiction or other problems be treated from the time they enter, he wondered? There was no good answer and the question was treated as rhetorical, but it deserves a response.

Saturday, May 26, 2012

TX Criminal Justice Coalition prepping for TDCJ Sunset hearing: Are you?

Via email from Ana Correa the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, see details about the upcoming Sunset hearing for the Texas Department of Criminal Justice and her group's diligent preparations:

Sunday, March 25, 2012

Judicial Conduct Commission facing Sunset review in April

Grits hasn't had a chance to read the Sunset Advisory Commission report (pdf) on the State Commission on Judicial Conduct, nor the agency response (pdf), nor the agency's self-evaluation (pdf), but I at least wanted to give readers the links as well as point out bloggerly critiques at Texas Watchdog and the Burnt Orange Report, both of which fault the agency in particular for a lack of transparency. A public hearing April 10 will focus on the agency (with TDCJ and correctional managed health care up in June, see their meeting schedule [pdf]).

One key Sunset recommendation for the Judicial Conduct Commission, the first one, in fact, harks back to the Sharon Keller fiasco where the commission imposed what turned out to be an illegal sanction after adopting findings of fact critical of the judge's decision making and forthcomingness with her fellow judges in the whole "We Close At 5" brouhaha. Sunset Staff recommended Texas adopt a "Constitutional Amendment," to "Authorize the Commission to use its full range of sanctions following formal proceedings."

Another key problem identified by Sunset staff was also readily apparent in the Keller fiasco, in retrospect: "Inconsistencies Between Its Statute and Rules Create the Potential for Litigation and Inefficiencies in the Commission's Operation." Indeed, discussions by commissioners during that episode made it clear this was an ongoing issue that arises for them frequently, whereas the first recommendation was more or less unique to Keller's situation.

Other recommendations and critiques, say the two blog posts, related to a lack of transparency even (perhaps particularly) with Sunset staff. I'd have to read the reports themselves to say more, but anyone interested in participating in the agency's Sunset process should find all they need in the above-linked documents to get engaged.

Wednesday, December 07, 2011

Grits readers' disdain prompts closer look at Judicial Conduct Commission Sunset review

With the State Commission on Judicial Conduct up for review by the Sunset Advisory Commission, I thought it worthwhile to ask Grits readers - who as a group are probably more aware of such matters than average Texans - whether they thought the Commission was doing a good job. The result was one of the most lopsided reader polls Grits has ever conducted. Of the 173 respondents, the answers were:
Yes: 3%
No: 62%
Only when the media is paying attention: 27%
Don't know/can't tell: 6%
(Figures don't add to 100% due to rounding)
In the agency's self-evaluation report (pdf, hereafter SER) for the Sunset Commission, the agency opined (p. 3), "A judicial office is a public trust. In order to function effectively, the system must be assured of the public's faith and confidence." A key goal of the agency's oversight work, says the SER, is to ensure that "public confidence in the integrity, competency, impartiality and independence of the judiciary is preserved." If Grits readers' opinions are any indication, the SCJC has lately been of little assistance in that task.

Let's take a closer look at the SCJC in light of its pending Sunset review. Asked "What key obstacles impair your agency's ability to achieve its objectives, the SER responded:
1) Budget cuts and restrictions on general revenue spending continue to impair the agency's ability to achieve its objectives.
2) Incomplete, outdated, and/or inconsistent rules and procedures also impair the agency's ability to achieve its objectives.
3) The size of the board - 13 members - is too large, costly and unnecessary.
After the fiasco over the SCJC's attempt to extend leniency to Judge Sharon Keller - where they found she'd engaged in misconduct but imposed a lesser, illegal sanction that was overturned on appeal as unconstitutional - I'd add 4) Bending over backwards to let judges (especially district and appellate judges) off light. And if Grits readers' opinions are any indication, you could tack on: 5) Lacking public confidence in the agency's judicial oversight function.

Asked by Sunset, "What are your agency's biggest opportunity for improvement in the future?" the agency replied: "If the Texas Procedural Rules for the Removal or Retirement of Judges and the Texas Code of Judicial Conduct were revised and updated, the agency would be in a better position to serve the public and the judiciary through clear and consistent rules and canons that reflect current changes in the law." The Code of Judicial Conduct (pdf) and the Procedural Rules for the Removal or Retirement of Judges (pdf) are both promulgated by the Texas Supreme Court, so the agency has no rulemaking authority to correct the perceived shortcomings in (2) above. The agency's enabling language is in Article V, Sec. 1a of the state constitution, while its statutory authority lies in Chapter 33 of the Government Code.

The agency's budget for FY 2010 from the general revenue fund was was $1,001,626, cut slightly to $948,000 per year over the next biennium.  But since they only spent $932,303 of their budget in 2010, that minor haircut shouldn't really cut into their activities too dearly. The agency has 14 FTEs, or full-time equivalent employees, led by executive director Seana Willing.

The number of disciplinary actions issued annually has risen in recent years before dipping in FY 2011:
2007: 45
2008: 56
2009: 70
2010: 89
2011: 42
The number of dismissals has also generally risen:
2007: 1,008
2008: 966
2009: 1063
2010: 1,208
2011: 1,192
Municipal court judges and JPs represent 39% and 21% respectively of all judges under the SCJCs jurisdiction, but they represented a disproportionately small number of total complaints, while they were more likely to be targets of significant discipline: According to the agency's annual report (pdf), "in fiscal year 2011: justices of the peace received 19% of the complaints filed, but accounted for 55% of all discipline issued by the Commission, a fairly significant increase over fiscal year 2010. Disciplinary actions against district and appellate judges experienced a sharp decline to 7% and 0% respectively. Municipal court judges received 9% of the complaints filed in fiscal year 2011 and accounted for 24% of all discipline issued by the Commission in fiscal year 2011. Consistent with prior years, 44% of all cases filed in fiscal year 2011 were against district judges," who accounted for just 12% of all judges under the SCJC's jurisdiction and 7% of disciplinary actions last year. This makes it appear that district judges and appellate are receiving less scrutiny despite receiving more complaints, and that the SCJC reserves its "hammer" for the lowest-level jurists. That's not encouraging.

Where do cases come from? A third relate to criminal cases. Again from the latest annual report: "Fifty-four percent (54%) of those cases were filed by civil litigants, their friends or family members, or by pro se (self-represented) litigants. Criminal defendants, including traffic defendants and inmates, accounted for approximately 33% of the cases. Three percent (3%) of the cases were filed anonymously and only 5 cases (0%) were Commission-initiated."

Many complaints are dismissed because staff deem they do not specifically address misconduct under the agency's jurisdiction under Supreme Court rules: "Finally, of the 1,192 cases closed [in FY 2011], approximately 51% alleged no judicial misconduct. Approximately 28% were dismissed after a preliminary investigation and approximately 21% were disposed of following a full investigation requiring a response from the judge." (One of the legislative changes suggested below was to allow reconsideration when those complainants bring forward more information.)

Among legislative changes suggested in the SER to "assist" the agency in "performing its function":
  • Amending the definition of "willful and persistent misconduct" to include chronic failure to obtain required judicial education hours.
  • Amending statutes and rules surrounding reconsideration of dismissed complaints, allowing for reconsideration for good cause or when additional information alleging misconduct is presented.
  • The statute should be clarified so "that judges who are removed from office by a Review Tribunal following formal proceedings initiated by the SCJC forfeit their retirement pensions upon removal."
  • Require retired judges who are "eligible to sit by assignment" to notify the Presiding Judge of their administrative region and have their name removed from the list of eligible judges if they receive a Public Reprimand, Public Censure, or resign in lieu of discipline. "Currently there is no requirement that the judge request that his/her name be removed from the list and there is consensus among the Presiding Judges that they have no legal authority to remove a judge from the list.
  • The Commission wants to extend confidentiality provisions governing their work to include information presented at trial. (A terrible idea, IMO; legislation to do this was rightly vetoed by Perry in 2009. It was re-filed during the most recent session but went nowhere.)
Another recommendation I'd have is better communication with the public about judicial misconduct when they discover it. Their public statement on the William Adams case was its first in four years. Further, e.g., on their website under case information, we only get detail (oddly) about Judge Sharon Keller's case. While I'm sure that's what's most often requested, why not publish similar data on all cases online? There is topline information regarding other complaints resulting in public or private discipline listed here.

Relatedly, I'd like to see more records opened up after the Commission's case evaluations are complete. Under current rules, the public can't really know whether the agency is doing a good job or not, and Grits readers, at least, are under the impression they are not.

Since the Sunset process is focused on what the Legislature can do, the self-evaluation report fails to inform us what similar changes the agency thinks need to be made by the Texas Supreme Court rules - the main barrier identified in the SER to improving their operations. No opinions at all were proffered on that score. Perhaps during the hearing process some of those will be identified on the record and the high court can take them up.

What else do they need to fix at the State Commission on Judicial Conduct? Let me know your thoughts and opinions in the comments.

See related, recent Grits posts:

Friday, December 02, 2011

Advocacy groups compiling Sunset wish lists ... Do you have yours?

At the Texas Tribune, Ben Philpott has a brief item on how various liberal and conservative groups are approaching the opportunities presented by the Sunset review of Texas Department of Criminal Justice.

The Texas Civil Rights Project, according to attorney Scott Medlock, is "proposing measures he says could improve prisoner conditions while cutting costs for the state, like reviewing sentencing policies that keep geriatric inmates behind bars, where they disproportionately use up the prison system’s limited health care dollars." "So that results in old and frail prisoners who have already served an extremely long time in prison that then become very expensive to care for as they reach their later years," Medlock said.

Meanwhile Marc Levin of the right-leaning Texas Public Policy Foundation suggested that Texas:
must prioritize its prison space to keep threats to society behind bars but should steer lower-level offenders, like individuals convicted of minor drug possession, out of jail.

"We have about 17,000 low-level drug possession offenders in our Texas prisons right now," Levin said.

"Not all of them would be eligible under this because it excludes those with prior significant felony convictions and so forth. But it certainly would save several hundred millions of dollars."
They're right that the Sunset process presents a great opportunity to pursue changes at TDCJ, the Board of Pardons and Parole, and also the State Commission on Judicial Conduct, all of which are up for review in 2012-13. During Sunset, agencies are vetted thoroughly once every 12 years by the Lege and Sunset Commission staff, and the Lege must pass a bill verifying the agency continues to serve a vital function. Sunset bills often include various reform measures, though just as frequently legislators tack on pork or other favors for special interests. The bills must pass or else, at least in theory, or the agencies cease to exist. Much of the Sunset action is already happening behind the scenes as staff prepare preliminary reports and ready for public hearings next year, so early input is generally more effective, though of course Sunset bills can and will be amended all the way down to the waning days of the Legislature.

How to Get Involved
If you're interested in reform at these agencies and want to participate in the Sunset process, you can do so by submitting written comments, lobbying Sunset Commission members (which is a very helpful approach), or showing up to speak at public hearings, which may be less effective if you don't show up with written testimony/materials and very specific recommendations. Go here to learn more about how to participate in the Sunset process. More people should. Here are the "self evaluations" from the criminal-justice related agencies currently up for Sunset review:
The self-evaluation report for the Correctional Managed Health Care Committee is not yet online.

It's not just organizations but also average folks can also get involved in the Sunset process, if they're willing and able to do a little brain and legwork. In this case it's not that hard: Read the self-evaluation of the agency that concerns you. Take notes as you go, thinking both about what's been said and what's been omitted. Identify problems you see at the agency - particularly any not identified in the self-evaluation - and (really important!) suggest proposed solutions. Write down your concerns, ideas or questions. Submit them to the Sunset Advisory Commission as comments.

If you're in Austin, or can make it for a visit, try to visit with Sunset staff in person about your concerns. (The Sunset liaison staffer for each agency is listed in the self-evaluation document.) It's also considered common courtesy at that point to share your concerns with the agency up for review (contact info is also in the self-evaluation report). Who knows, maybe they'll preemptively implement your idea, or maybe you'll be turned down but still get a chance to ask questions and gather more intel. Either way, at least at the hearing you can say you've spoken to them about it.

The next step, if one were pursuing the task the way a lobbyist would, would be to contact the offices of the various members of the Sunset Commission and share your comments/concerns/solutions, preferably in in-person visits. Unless you have personal connections with the legislator in question, you'll probably end up talking with a legislative staffer assigned to the topic (which is fine). Those meetings not only give you a chance to pitch your ideas but also to cultivate intelligence about what commission members are thinking about, what other special interests are asking for, etc..

So if you do your job right as a citizen lobbyist in the Sunset process, by the time the Sunset Commission holds a hearing to discuss the agency that concerns you, all of the Sunset staffers and commissioners (or at least their staff) will already be aware of the concerns you're raising. When that's the case, it's a lot easier to get your ideas seriously discussed than if you simply show up cold at the hearing for the first time. Some ideas brought forward that way end up in the Sunset recommendations, it's true, but one's chances are better if there's been a lot more prep and legwork done before-hand.

I'm excited to see the Sunset process unfold for each of these agencies, though I'm concerned (but hopeful) that advocacy groups are well-positioned to capitalize on the opportunity. We'll see.

See related, recent Grits posts:

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Tidbits from the parole board's 'self-evaluation'

A couple of notable items from the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles' "self evaluation" (pdf) for the Sunset Commission:

Regular readers are aware the parole board makes decisions regarding only a fraction of the 70,000+ releases from TDCJ each year. Prisonsers in state jails and SAFP serve their sentences (generally less than two years) day for day. And offenders with longer sentences sometimes age out, serving their full sentences day for day and leaving prison even if the parole board never grants early release. The Texas parole board considered 97,513 offenders for release in FY 2010, according to the agency's self-evaluation report, approving more than 33,000 of them:

Parole Approval rates:

2006: 26.26%
2007: 29.82%
2008: 30.74%
2009: 30.26%
2010: 31.01%

So parole approval rates have been slightly rising; if they continue to increase at roughly the same pace over the next five years it would eliminate all pressure for new prison construction or leasing additional beds.

Technical revocations
The parole board not only affects the prison population based on who it lets go but also based on how many people under its supervision go back to prison each year. Of offenders sent back to prison after their parole was revoked (28,969 people in fy 2010), says the self-evaluation, 12,573 or 43% of those revoked were for technical violations only. Another 4,230 had their parole revoked because of a "law violation, no new conviction," while 12,122 (42%) were sent back because of a new conviction.

Clemency
The parole board recommended clemency, mostly full pardons, in 41 of the 237 non-capital cases it considered in FY 2010. They could have added that Perry granted only 9 of those 41. The budget for the entire clemency division, with a staff of seven, was $308,476 in FY 2010.

Blame the underlings
There was a remarkable  veiled reference to the controversy surrounding the board's application of "Condition X" (sex-offender conditions) without due process to parolees who were never convicted of a sex crime, in which the self-evaluation seemed to blame staff and exonerate the board for its contretemps with the judges::
In 2009, the Legislature transferred the institutional parole operations from the TDCJ to the board primarily because the majority of the institutional parole officer’s duties and responsibilities supported the board’s statutory authority to release an offender on parole or mandatory supervision and constitutional authority to make clemency recommendations to the Governor for capital cases. Since the transfer, the quality of the case summaries has dramatically improved as has the work performance of the staff and overall efficiency of the operations. This transfer removed one obstacle that hindered the effectiveness and efficiency of the parole review process.

The parole officers authorized to supervise offenders released by the board were not transferred and continue to work for TDCJ. This obstacle, most recently noted by a federal judge, has resulted in continuing liability and litigation defense expenditures because supervising staff misinterprets the board’s intent or incorrectly applies conditions of release the board imposes. The board and TDCJ have appeared jointly as defendants in state and federal courts and in some cases, monetary damages and attorney fees were awarded to the Plaintiff and their attorneys.
The parole board is claiming their problems with federal judges occurred "because supervising staff misinterprets the board’s intent or incorrectly applies conditions of release the board imposes." Really?! The staff misinterpreted your intent or somehow incorrectly applied it? Hogwash! And they'd have us believe that the "obstacle" to fixing this problem is that the board should have more control over TDCJ parole officers? That's pretty blatantly using the Condition X controversy as an opportunity for an unwarranted power grab. The real problem is the board's overt defiance of numerous state and federal court decisions, not that staff or anybody else misinterpreted what they said or meant.

Don't be late
Wanna communicate with the parole board but the chair won't place your issue on the agenda? You get your chance just once per year: "Once a year at a regularly called board meeting, the board will afford the public an opportunity to present comments that are not on the posted agenda. BPP-POL.141.202 outlines the procedures to follow for persons not employed by or under contract with the board who wish to have items placed on the board’s posted agenda." Be there or be square.

How it works
On p. 33 of the pdf is a chart with a good summary of the parole process for the layman.

Sunset process gives public chance for input at TDCJ

The Texas Criminal Justice Coalition has put up a helpful page encouraging people to get involved in the Texas Department of Criminal Justice Sunset process between now and the next session in 2013. A notable excerpt reads:
If you care about criminal justice reform, now is the time for you to speak up and voice your concerns. Presently, the Sunset Advisory Commission has begun its review of TDCJ and other criminal justice-related agencies, including the Board of Pardons and Paroles, the Windham School District, and the Correctional Managed Health Care Committee. Based on its evaluation, the Commission will make recommendations on how each agency can be improved or whether the agency should be abolished.

You can take part in this opportunity for improvement by letting us know what should be done to improve Texas' criminal justice agencies. TCJC has created a comprehensive guide to the Sunset process to help individuals understand the process, how they can get involved, and what resources are available.  To download a PDF version of our guide to Sunset please click this link: Policy Guide to the Sunset Review Process
, and to download a 1-page flyer on how to participate in the Sunset process, please click this link: Share Your Story - Participate in TDCJ's Sunset Review Process
!
If you wish to participate by filling out a questionnaire, please click the link here: Sunset Questionnaire.  We are also providing a questionnaire that is specifically directed toward incarcerated individuals.  If you would like to print a copy and mail it to someone you know, please download the PDF version by clicking here: Incarcerated Persons Questionnaire.
An agency's Sunset review typically only occurs every 12 years, so we must seize upon this rare opportunity to improve the criminal justice system. Through the Sunset process, and with your help, we can achieve the necessary reforms that can make Texas' criminal justice system a model for others.
Go here for more detail. Here's TDCJ's self-evaluation report (large pdf), here's the one (pdf) for the Board of Pardons and Paroles, there's a separate one (pdf) for the Windham School District, and one more forthcoming for the Correctional Managed Health Care Committee. Here's the home page for the Sunset Advisory Commission. 

How can you get involved (beyond filling out TCJC's questionnaires above)? Basically, start by reading the above-linked self evaluations with a fine tooth comb. If you dispute anything in them or have recommendations for reform they didn't include, put them in writing, submit them to Sunset staff, then come to the public hearings when they're announced and testify about your specific concerns. You can also present your ideas to staff at the Sunset commission or in the offices of individual legislators on the Sunset Commission. TCJC is right that the Sunset process presents unique opportunities, even if it requires playing the long game. It's an important chance to identify problems and promote solutions that won't come along again for more than a decade.

Wednesday, October 26, 2011

TDCJ, parole board publish self-evaluations for Sunset process

From the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition's latest newsletter:
TDCJ's Sunset Review is Beginning - We Want Your Input!

If you care about criminal justice reform, now is the time for you to speak up and voice your concerns.

TCJC is very excited to tell you about a unique opportunity to offer input and suggestions that will help improve Texas' criminal justice system. Presently, the Sunset Advisory Commission has begun its review of TDCJ and other criminal justice-related agencies, including the Board of Pardons and Paroles, the Windham School District, and the Correctional Managed Health Care Committee.  Based on its evaluation, the Commission will make recommendations on how each agency can be improved or whether the agency should be abolished.

You can take part in this opportunity for improvement by letting us know what should be done to improve Texas' criminal justice agencies.  TCJC has created a comprehensive guide to the Sunset process to help individuals understand the process, how they can get involved, and what resources are available.  Please click the link below to download a PDF version of our guide to Sunset:
To download a 1-page flyer on how to participate in the Sunset process, please click below: 
Again, the Sunset process is in its beginning stages, and most agencies under review have already submitted Self-Evaluation Reports (SERs), which are available on the Sunset Advisory Commission's website.  To view each agency's SER, visit the Sunset SER webpage here!

To view individual agency SERs, please click on the links below:
  • Note: The Correctional Managed Health Care Committee's SER is not yet published.
An agency's Sunset review typically only occurs every 12 years, so we must seize upon this rare opportunity to improve the criminal justice system.  Through the Sunset process, and with your help, we can achieve the necessary reforms that can make Texas' criminal justice system a model for others.
They're right. The Sunset process is a unique opportunity to suggest improvements at the agency at a deeper-in-the-weeds level than is often possible. Check out those self-evaluations, as will I, and I'm sure Grits readers will be hearing more on these subjects sooner than later.