Sunday, January 02, 2005

Sentencing guidelines shouldn't abandon equal protection

I'm glad states are looking at ways to incarcerate fewer people. It's important to focus incarceration resources on the most dangerous instead of non-violent offenders. But the Virginia system described in today's New York Times magazine makes me uneasy. Here's what they're doing:
In 2002, the Commonwealth of Virginia began ... [to encourage] its judges to sentence nonviolent offenders the way insurance agents write policies, based on a short list of factors with a proven relationship to future risk. If a young, jobless man is convicted of shoplifting, the state is more likely to recommend prison time than when a middle-aged, employed woman commits the same crime.

Virginia's new sentencing method was born of a budget crunch. Faced with the prospect of building new prisons after passing a tough-on-crime measure in 1994, the Legislature asked the state sentencing commission to figure out which nonviolent offenders could be kept out of prison without posing a risk of committing new crimes. The commission's director, Richard Kern, and his staff members tracked 1,500 nonviolent drug, larceny and fraud offenders for three years after their release from prison. The researchers found that men were 55 percent as likely to be rearrested as women, and that offenders in their 20's were a much higher risk than those older than 40. Being unemployed made offenders more likely to commit another crime. So did being single.
Virginia has created a 71 point evaluation system based on various critieria like gender, age and employment status. If a defendant scores higher than 38 points, it recommends jail time instead of alternatives to incarceration.

There's a big problem with that strategy, though: it probably violates the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, the "equal protection clause" that guarantees Americans won't be treated differently based on immutable characteristics like race, gender or age. The article quoted a critic arguing this point:

those who think punishment should reflect blameworthiness are not [pleased]. They argue that by penalizing offenders differently for the same crimes, for reasons that have nothing to do with moral culpability, the state has abandoned the idea that punishment is a form of ''just deserts'' for wrongdoing. ''If you're punishing people because of a bunch of factors that have nothing to do with blame, well, you're not in the business of doing justice anymore,'' said Paul Robinson, a law professor at the University of Pennsylvania. As he and like-minded legal thinkers see it, a woman in her 40's who deals drugs hasn't done anything more to earn trust or deserve a break than a male dealer in his 20's charged with the same offense. She has just gotten lucky, by falling into a group whose other members have generally proved a good public-safety bet. Meanwhile, jobless single men in their 20's start with 36 points on Virginia's risk scale, putting them on the cusp of going to prison before the crime they committed is even taken into consideration.
That last bit about jobless, single young men starting with 36 out of 38 points is what makes the system likely to be unfair, even unconstitutional. If you're young and male, you can't do anything about those facts, but in Virginia the system will punish you harder. The state insists its predictions of criminality hold true for three out of four young men, but even that claim highlights that the method is wrong one time in four; it uses estimates and guesses, not "science" as the state sentencing commission claims. On the scale of the entire U.S. criminal justice system, that 25% error rate would result in the unnecessary incarceration of tens of thousands.

The Times reports that nobody has challenged the system's constitutionality yet, probably in part because unemployed young men in their 20s can't afford an appellate lawyer. But the Virginia ACLU or a similar group should jump on the issue. Across the country states are struggling with how to punish non-violent offenders, and this method will undoubtedly be emulated. It'd be a mitzvah for the entire nation to go ahead and determine whether this kind of sentencing scheme will be held constitutional.

UPDATE

Saturday, January 01, 2005

Yeah, and what's your point?

Libby seems to be recovering nicely from her moving day blues, and, upon hearing tales of cops roaming bus stations with sniffer dogs in Texarkana, she's wondering whether we've heard of the Fourth Amendment down here in Texas?

Yes, we've heard of it. And we're doing our dead-level best to undermine it, thank you very much. Besides, wait a month or so and maybe the US Supreme Court will declare that a dog sniff isn't a search. Then we'll have stepped all the way through the looking glass.

Recent biometrics coverage

Grits' December 2004 coverage:

"Biometric Blues," Stanzas One, Two and Three,
What Do Fallujah and Texas Have in Common?,
Why would they want all ten fingerprints?,
Bill Filed to Kill Houston Red Light Cameras,
Whither Texas on Biometrics After Intelligence Bill?,
The Biometrics of Face Veils, and
No Smiling.

Friday, December 31, 2004

How to shoot a pig

Since folks all over the South, the Grits household included, will be serving ham, black-eyed peas and collard greens tomorrow to bring luck in the new year, it's fitting that one of my favorite Alabama belles, Loretta Nall, brings us this wonderful missive on "How to shoot a pig," with examples from recent media. That's the funniest thing I've read on the web in a long time.

Happy New Year everybody.

Jobs more dangerous than a police officer

CrimProf blog points to an MSNBC report that says 154 U.S. police officers died in the line of duty in 2004, half in traffic accidents, and one-third in shootings.

Police officers' jobs are dangerous, but not that much more so than other common jobs. A few years ago I compiled a partial list of jobs more dangerous than a police officer from the 2000 Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries. They include obviously dangerous jobs like miners, but also jobs you wouldn't think of like truck drivers, groundskeepers, fishermen, construction workers, and airplane pilots. That's right -- the groundskeeper trimming trees in the city park statistically has a more dangerous job than the local cop. Actually, cutting trees is dangerous business. It's ten times more dangerous to be a lumberjack than a police officer.

Texas' insanity defense examined

AP this morning examines Texas' insanity defense, as analyzed in the Texas Senate Jurisprudence Committee's Interim Report. Here's what they found:

"the insanity defense is used in 1 percent of felony cases and is seldom successful. The committee said 26 percent of those who claim insanity are deemed insane and acquitted.

"Insanity statutes were stiffened by many states and the federal government after John Hinckley's acquittal by reason of insanity for shooting and wounding President Reagan in 1981.


"The committee said that the nation "grew impatient" with the insanity defense and that more than 30 states, including Texas, tightened and amended their statutes. Five states -- Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada and Utah -- abolished the defense, according to the report.


"'The idea that many people are saying they are insane and getting away with their crimes is silly,' said David Haynes, a lawyer representing Dena Schlosser, charged with capital murder last month for allegedly cutting off the arms of her 10-month-old daughter in Plano. 'That just doesn't happen,' said Haynes."


Even if one is declared not guilty by reason of insanity, that doesn't get them set free. The article notes that, once a person has been declared insane in Texas, they must be held for 30 days in custody, then a judge evaluates them annually to determine if they're ready to be released. In Dallas, such an inmate was left alone in a jail cell for two weeks without food or water while waiting for an annual judge's determination; that man has been held for 26 years in a state hospital without ever being convicted.

Williamson DA bullies lawyer, but backs down

The Austin Chronicle's Jordan Smith has a good piece about Williamson County District Attorney John Bradley's failed attempts to override the confidentiality of attorney work product in a child abuse case. Bradley tried to force a defense lawyer to testify about his work product, in particular a witness statement he'd taken that could exonerate his client. The lawyer stood up to the DA and won.

Williamson County's justice system has a reputation as one of the most ruthless in Texas, both in terms of prosecutorial aggression and issuing extremely long sentences to those convicted. This case gives some insight into how the Williamson DA uses, some would say abuses his power, aiming to secure convictions, even against potentially innocent people, at nearly any cost. If Bradley's office had won the motion, Williamson defense attorneys would have been in a position where they could no longer interview witnesses in their cases without permission from the DA.

Via Tres Chicas

Thursday, December 30, 2004

Dallas cops share surveillance tapes with private businesses

More evidence the proliferation of police cameras isn't really about traffic enforcement: Dallas PD is installing surveillance cameras in the Deep Ellum area, the Austin Statesman reported, not for any traffic purpose but "to provide real-time video images [and] to provide a history of what happened."

Disturbingly, this is a public-private venture, and DPD has announced that area "
businesses and police will share the footage via the Internet." That's spooky.
A private surveillance company donated equipment to get the project off the ground.

Unfortunately, an amendment by Texas state Sen. Jeff Wentworth, R-San Antonio, to homeland security legislation in 2003 made secret all information about where police conduct video surveillance and what they do with the data. So legally, Dallas PD can give the video to whomever they want, thanks to Sen. Wentworth, and the public could never know.

That's a bad idea, though. Police shouldn't share surveillance data with private entities, much less transmit that data blithely over the Internet, but that's what happening in Dallas.
Once private businesses get the tapes, they can do what they want with them. It really doesn't seem like Chief Kunkle has thought the whole thing through.

In other words, if young women celebrating Mardi Gras in Deep Ellum decide to flash the crowd, the videotape could be sold for use on Girls Gone Wild. They might even get some good shots. After all, the donor company touts its system's zoom and tracking capabilities. A British study found that one out of ten women were targeted by male surveillance camera operators for voyeuristic purposes, and steamy excerpts from British police surveillance tapes have wound up in the hands of B filmmakers, who profiteered off of them. Grits mentioned several documented examples of abuses regarding police surveillance footage in this post.

Camera surveillance by municipal police in Texas is growing rapidly, with no evidence to show that it has improved traffic safety or reduced crime. Austin already has hundreds of surveillance cameras around town, with no plans to use them for traffic enforcement or anything but police surveillance. Houston's city council just voted to install traffic enforcement cameras at 50 intersections. (Unlike in Houston, the police union in San Antonio has fought off the idea so far.) Now Dallas police are installing new surveillance cameras and sharing surveillance data with private businesses.

The widespread proliferation of surveillance cameras is only one leg of the surveillance stool -- Sen. Wentworth's amendment making all information about surveillance cameras secret laid the groundwork for that proliferation, and if the Texas Department of Public Safety and the House Defense Affairs Committee are successful, this legislative session Texas could require all drivers and ID card holders to give up biometric "facial recognition" measurements that would let the state identify individuals from video by name.

Recent Grits coverage dealt with these issues extensively. See "Biometrics Blues," Stanzas One, Two and Three, What Do Fallujah and Texas Have in Common?, Why would they want all ten fingerprints?, Bill Filed to Kill Houston Red Light Cameras, Whither Texas on Biometrics After Intelligence Bill?, The Biometrics of Face Veils, and No Smiling.

Wednesday, December 29, 2004

Another argument against annual legislative sessions

The stuff we can think of to criminalize in this country just blows me away. Missouri just moved to legalize bare-handed fishing. My question: What genius decided to make it illegal in the first place? Have you ever tried to catch a fish with your hands?

Telling fisherman they can't catch but X number of fish per day is a reasonable conservation measure. But the government telling fishermen whether to fish with a hook and line or their bare hands is the kind of law that indicates some legislators have too much time on their hands.

Texas' Legislature meets just 4-1/2 months every two years, and in 78 biennial meetings they've managed to create 1,941 separate felonies. Thank God Texas doesn't have annual legislative sessions. There's no telling what they'd find time to make illegal, then.

It looked harder in 'Escape from Alcatraz'

A man arrested by the Red River Valley Drug Task Force fled custody in October, and was finally recaptured in mid-December. So what feats of derring-do allowed his escape? He just walked out of the unlocked front entrance while task force officers were booking him into the Hopkins County jail, prompting an expensive, two-month-long multi-agency manhunt.

No wonder Chairman Terry Keel and the Texas House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee want to get rid of Texas' drug task forces. What an embarrassment.

Timing is everything

Naturally, I have to publish a correction just as one of my favorite blogs gave Grits' drug sentencing coverage a nice plug, calling it "especially strong." I sure appreciate the compliment, though, Doc. Hopefully my goof won't knock me off your blogroll! :-)

Correction on bill authorship

I'd reported yesterday that then-state representative Jack Stick cosponsored Harold Dutton's HB 715 in 2003 that would have lowered penalties for possession of small amounts of marijuana from a Class B to a Class C misdemeanor, which is the equivalent of a traffic ticket.

I made an error, which is what I get for relying on my memory. I should have doublechecked. The bill that Stick co-authored with Dutton was HB 2316. I confused them because the two were basically presented as companion bills. HB 2316 would have lowered the penalty for possession of small amounts of cocaine, heroin, meth and other hard drugs from a state jail felony to a Class A misdemeanor. That bill would have shifted thousands of inmates convicted of drug possession from state jail facilities down to the county lockup.

(Another bill, HB 2668, which was passed and signed by the Governor, mandated probation for first time drug offenders, but the final version did not lower the penalty category, as the original filed language would have.)

Any Grits reader knows, though, that county jails are full. So the only way that HB 2316 could functionally work would have been to pass HB 715, which would have freed up more than enough county jail space. I discussed here how those two proposals work together along with drug courts and expanded treatment programs to stem the rising incarceration tide without making us less safe. The 79th Legislature faces even more intense overincarceration pressures
than did the 78th, so all of these options, of necessity, will be on the table then, too.

I apologize for the error regarding Stick's bill sponsorship.

TX Prison Officials: No More Cuts to Drug Treatment

This Scripps-Howard wire article quotes Texas criminal justice officials pleading with the Texas Legislature to restore drug treatment funding for parolees, and decrying cuts to treatment programs in 2003 that officials say led to greater recidivism.
"Texas prison officials have made a special request for $10 million during the next two years to treat 16,500 parolees.

"Without the money, officials said they expect people released from prison to commit more drug-related crimes and end up back in the state's custody.

"'With fewer resources aimed at diverting offenders from incarceration, the already growing offender populations could grow larger,'" according to the Texas Department of Criminal Justice budget request.

At the bottom of the article we find an issue raised I'd not heard of before: Texas' 2003 drug treatment cuts were apparently so draconian that the feds refused to let Texas keep matching funds we otherwise should have gotten. The closing paragraphs of the article inform us:

"[B]ecause the federal government said the state did not invest enough of its own money, the state might not be able to keep almost $10 million that could be used to help pay for substance abuse programs.

"The state is appealing to the federal government, said Joe Vesowate, the state assistant commissioner for mental health and substance abuse services.

"He also said officials at the Department of State Health Services would ask lawmakers to restore enough funding to substance abuse treatment programs to make sure that there are no problems getting the federal dollars in the future."

That's unbelievably irresponsible. I knew Texas had made deep cuts last session, but eliminating treatment dollars that are used to draw down federal matching funds amounts to cutting off your nose to spite your face. Texans don't pay federal taxes so their money will go to Oklahoma (like our football talent). I'll be searching for more specifics about this matter as the session moves along.

In the meantime, as Grits reported earlier, at least the Texas Senate Criminal Justice Committee appears to want to expand treatment, not cut it more.

What would your last meal be?

On New Year's Day before the Rose Bowl my family will sit down for a meal of ham, black-eyed peas and collard greens, all of which in the South one consumes to ensure good luck in the coming year. Not everybody's menu choices bring luck and happiness, though. Mike Stanfill has created a powerful flash animation piece that recounts the last meal requests of Texas Death Row inmates. In an odd, sort of spooky way, the menu lists juxtaposed with the faces of these executed men humanizes them, makes them each individually real for the viewer, not just another Texas death statistic. Check it out.

Via David Elliot

Tulia revisited

Alan Bean from Tulia Friends of Justice let me know that the Amarillo Globe-News revisited the Tulia drug sting scandal (reg. required) in yesterday's paper, walking through the current status of the controversy. As the paper points out, 2004 was a big year in the Tulia case. The article discusses the $6 million settlement, Governor Perry's refusal to give the Panhandle more grant money this year, and the disbarrment proceedings brought by the state bar against ex-Swisher County District Attorney Terry McEachern. Another as-yet-unwritten chapter of the story, the Globe-News pointed out, will finally play out in January with the perjury trial of defrocked undercover cop Tom Coleman in Lubbock.

To read the Globe-News article, you'd think Coleman's trial was the end of the story, but not quite.

Because of the Tulia case and many other scandals involving Byrne grant funded drug task forces in Texas, the Criminal Jurisprudence Committee in the Texas House of Representatives recently recommended abolishing the entire drug task force system in an interim committee report. Now that would be a fitting end to an epic story.

Tuesday, December 28, 2004

Palestine racial profiling case in the news

The Cato Institute's Radley Balko mentioned the case of alleged racial profiling in Palestine, TX by a Byrne-grant funded drug task force in a recent op ed in a Eureka, CA newspaper. Grits first broke the story that all 72 Palestine defendants are black. See Balko's regular commentary at The Agitator.

Blakely in Texas?

Doug Berman finds the money quote in a Texas Senate Research Center research brief (pdf) analyzing the impact of the U.S. Supreme Court's Blakely ruling on Texas law. That landmark case found that only juries, not judges, could decide that certain enhancements should be applied during sentencing; it opened up to question many thousands of cases nationwide where judges had, by law, performed that role. In all, it's a highly complicated mess the Supreme Court hasn't fixed yet.

I'd said earlier on this blog that Texas' sentencing system was "clean" with regards to Blakely, but then I ran across this Texas Senate Research Center report from October that seemed to imply otherwise. Without reading it, I sent Prof. Berman the link, frankly, in a moment of intellectual cowardice; if Blakely turned out to apply to Texas, I just didn't want to have to be the one to wrap my brain around how! Thanks for bailing me out, Doc!

Bottom line, it mostly doesn't apply to our system but may, a little bit, in a few narrow circumstances. It doesn't sound like we're in for the turmoil they've had in other states or the federal system, though. I finally did read the report, by the way, and should add that Senate Research did a great job. They explained a complex situation quite thoroughly but in an understandable (dare I say readable?) fashion. Check it out. Then if you want more on the topic, comb through Prof. Berman's Sentencing Law and Policy blog for mountains of material on the Blakely case.

New face at ACLU of Texas prison project

The Houston Chronicle had a good article profiling Alison Brock, my new colleague who has undertaken the difficult task of running ACLU of Texas' Prison and Jail Accountability Project. Welcome aboard, Alison, and nice press!

Via Texas Law Blog

Perry's possible high court appointment draws fire

I've argued previously that, if Democrats want to win any statewide races in Texas this decade, they should start by targeting the courts, the way Karl Rove did nearly twenty years ago. That advice becomes more salient than ever if Governor Perry follows through on the reportedly pending and highly politicized appointment of Don Willett, a friend of former Perry Chief of Staff Mike Toomey with little courtroom experience, to the Texas Supreme Court. Even Republicans are talking trash about his relative lack of credentials, albeit so far anonymously. Willett ran George Bush's faith-based initiatives program when he was governor and president. This Houston Chronicle editorial hit all the right points.

Via How Appealing

Against Psychobabble

The ever-thoughtful Adina Levin prefers the Fokkers to George Lakoff.