Thursday, January 03, 2008

Note to MSM: Please stop repeating error on jail overcrowding law

Here's a request to MSM reporters and editors out there reading Grits: Can we please stop repeating that no jurisdiction but Austin has implemented Rep. Jerry Madden's HB 2391 allowing citations for low-level, non-violent misdemeanors?

Yes, I know, Tiara Ellis reported in the Dallas News on New Years' Eve that the new law "is being used only in Travis County," and the AP included the line in the story y'all received over the wires.

But that's not true, okay? And promoting that idea discourages wider application of new officer discretion. Let's please nip this spreading meme in the bud that nobody but liberal Austin has chosen to use the new authority!

Offhand, I know Colorado County set up a system for officers to use new discretion, as did Jefferson County. According to media reports, the Hays, Navarro, and Palo Pinto Sheriffs also are letting deputies decide when to arrest.

Recently a prosecutor from Lubbock posted on the DA's User forum asking what other jurisdictions were doing with citations authorized under HB 2391. DA Ken Sparks from Colorado County replied that:

I gave each law enforcement agency a list of county court dates and told them to write a court date on the ticket that is approximately 60 days off. That gives us time to get the offense report, review it and file the charge if warranted. We do not issue a warrant unless the defendant fails to appear on the court date.
I emailed Sparks to ask how often his county used the new provision and if they'd run into any logistical problems using it. He replied:
I anticipated it being used a lot more, but the reduction of the offense of driving while license invalid to a Class C misdemeanor, effective September 1, 2007, has resulted in less opportunities to employ this method. In 2006 29% of the cases on my county court docket were DWLI cases. In 2008 it will be less that 5%!

It is being used by two of the police agencies in my county because they are located about 15 miles from the county jail and it is a time-saver.

It is being used primarily for possession of marihuana cases. Since it is a small county, (pop. 20,000) the number of times it has been used is small.
So what this tells you is that, despite claims by Dallas County (whose jail is utterly stuffed) that "more research is necessary," big (Travis), medium-sized (Jefferson), and small counties (like Colorado) have all figured out how to make the new law work.

From Sparks' description, it wouldn't surprise me if other rural counties are using the new authority, particularly where small towns may be some distance away from the nearest county lockup. (For juveniles, not every county has a detention center and in some cases out in West Texas police must drive more than 100 miles to the nearest pretrial youth lockup.)

Rather than dismiss the statute as just something for liberal Austin (Bexar officials more than Travis backed the proposal at the Lege, actually - their former jail administrator Dennis McKnight first came up with the idea), a better approach would be for reporters to localize the story, particularly in counties with jail overcrowding problems, by asking whether candidates for judge, county commissioner, Sheriff, and District Attorney support keeping more officers on the street by using this new law.

The truth is that whether to apply this new statute is entirely a function of decisions by elected officials. Even if current officials (e.g., Chuck Rosenthal in Houston) don't trust officers to make those decisions, their political successors might.

RELATED GRITS POSTS:

#15: Another DNA Exoneration in Dallas County

He was 20 years old when he was falsely accused of raping his neighbor and sentenced to 99 years in prison. Today, twenty seven years later, a Dallas court freed him based on DNA evidence that proved he was not guilty.

How would you feel?

"I'm bitter. I'm angry," [Charles] Chatman told The Associated Press during his last night in jail Wednesday. "But I'm not angry or bitter to the point where I want to hurt anyone or get revenge." ...
"I want this situation addressed," Chatman said. "But I don't have the anger that I used to." That's damn sure how I'd feel if more than half my life had been stolen from me by an overzealous justice system.

Chatman was wrongly identified in a photo lineup by the victim. Prosecutors say they don't know why his picture was originally included.

RELATED: See a summary of the other 14 DNA-based exonerations in Dallas since 2001. MORE: From Radley Balko.

Bush and Calderon on outs; 'Merida Initiative' may not pass Congressional muster

It sounds like President Bush may already be suffering from buyer's remorse regarding the proposed $1.4 billion anti-drug aid package, according to a Mexican political reporter. In the paper-only English-language magazine Voices of Mexico, published at UNAM, a large university in Mexico City, Proceso correspondent J. Jesus Esquivel gives quite a different view of Mexican President Felipe Calderon's relationship with President Bush and the prospects of the US aid package than I've seen in the American press. Writes Esquivel (Issue 50, p.p.47-49):
President Felipe Calderon has developed a strategy of criticizing and blaming the US government for the violence inflicted on the Mexican people by the drug cartels, saying it is not doing all it can to reduce drug consumption domestically and it is neglecting the fight against drug trafficking. As a result, some members of Bush's cabinet and several federal legislators have responded very negatively and now look at Mexico more cautiously and are less interested in bilateral cooperation.
A US State Department official told Esquivel that Calderon "made a big mistake" by criticizing President Bush, who has apparently taken such populist appeals personally. The Mexican President's "mistake in the bilateral struggle against organized crime," Esquivel writes, "may be criticizing the US openly when it is headed up by the most conservative, vengeful and unilateralist president in recent history."

As a result, an anonymous DEA agent assigned to the Texas Mexico border told Esquivel that:
For now, unfortunately drug traffickers are the only ones capable of stopping or slowing down drug-related violence in Mexico. These criminals control a large part of the state and municipal police forces in northern Mexico and that makes them practically invulnerable to President Calderon's offensive.
We also get from the article a little more insight into why the aid request is so heavily laden on the front end with military hardware. He quotes a Mexican diplomat who says that:
the Mexican military is taking advantage of the fact that Calderon needs it, and not the reverse, to demand that he get sophisticated offensive hardware from the United States. They demand this without realizing that, politically, this requires the intervention of Capitol Hill.
Congressman Tom Lantos questioned the inclusion of millions for new helicopters, and the VOM article sheds more light on that request: The Mexican diplomat criticized "the Mexican army's demands and disregard for the details of their political consequences" for creating a package that may not be politically viable. "Mexico's armed forces dream of US combat helicopters and highly sophisticated weapons to meet head on the country's drug kingpins," writes Esquivel, "who undoubtedly have a better arsenal than our police forces."

But the demand invites a feud with Congress, said Esquivel, because the Pentagon requires US trainers and oversight when giving foreign armies new weapons systems. This creates a conflict, because "the presence of foreign military personnel in Mexico is unthinkable given the nationalist legislation that the Calderon administration subscribes to and Mexico's Congress very jealously defends."

(An aside, flattering a Texas reporter: Esquivel called Dallas News correspondent Albert Corchado "perhaps the US reporter with the greatest knowledge about how Mexican drug traffickers operate." It's true: Corchado routinely may be found on the front lines where other media sources are silent.)

Neither Bush nor Calderon consulted with their respective legislative branches before they came up with the contents of the proposed $1.4 billion aid package. If Bush and Calderon are now really on the outs, and if the "Merida Initiative" as proposed can't pass muster with both the US and Mexican Congresses, it doesn't seem likely that Bush will expend much political capital during his final lame-duck year on behalf of his Mexican counterpart.

A few weeks ago the aid proposal received a lot of attention and appeared to have momentum, then ground to a halt before the holidays. I'd attributed that to winter doldrums, but perhaps some of these dynamics had more to do with the legislation's slow down.

Roundup: There Will Be Blood

I thought I'd point out several items that will interest many Grits readers:

There Will Be Blood
At I Was The State, Robert Guest updates us on the Fort Worth PD's new policy to force drivers suspected of DWI to give a blood sample.

Crime and Insanity
At Prevention Not Punishment, Kristin Houle points to recent news articles about Austin PD's Crisis Intervention Unit for the mentally ill and a new mental health court in El Paso. (See a short slide show from the Austin Statesman, "On the Beat" with Austin's Crisis Intervention team.)

Army Rethinks Contract With Mercenary Firm
The Army has decided to revisit a massive contract recently awarded to Dyncorp, reports the National Examiner. That should give them something to talk about on the investor conference call later this month. I've begun paying attention to the company after they started aggressively lobbying for privatizing Border Patrol services and President Bush began pushing to expand their drug interdiction contracts to include Mexico.

Failure to Testify: A Better Instruction
At the Austin Criminal Defense Lawyer, Jamie Spencer thinks judges need to change the instruction they use when a defendant chooses not to testify.

Dallas Exonerations Pile Up
From the Dallas News, see this synopsis of the 14 Dallas cases where defendants have been exonerated by DNA evidence since 2001. And that doesn't include, for example, innocent defendants released as a result of the "Sheetrock" fake drug scandal.

Grey Lady Explores Mexican Prisons and Snitching
Finally, the New York Times had a couple of unrelated stories worth mentioning recently: First, a piece on New Years Eve about female prisoners in Mexico whose children live with them, incarcerated, for the first six years of their life. Meanwhile on Dec. 30 the Grey Lady published a story exploring the reasons why residents of a Camden, NJ neighborhood refused to cooperate with police to solve violent crimes, including this observation:
The neighborhood’s grim economic and social realities, which have convinced any number of young people here that drug dealing is the best job available, leaves many law-abiding residents with conflicting loyalties.

There are so many people in the neighborhood with friends or relatives in the drug business that to help police arrest a dealer may jeopardize a family’s financial security.

It adds up, the police say, to an environment where they encounter people who, however much they despise the gangs, are more comfortable coexisting with the Bloods, Crips or Latin Kings than assisting the police.
Uncovering Mexican Graffiti Dreams
Jeremy Schwartz brings another excellent installment of Mexican graffiti photos. "Mas," cried his readers, "Queremos Mas!"

Most drug profits go to smuggling organizations, not producers

Who profits from the drug war? Smuggling organizations. That's where all the money is. Eleonora Maria Pani at Equilibri.net breaks down the revenue for cocaine at different stages of the production and distribution chain:
  • 2% goes to those that provide for the cultivation of coca leaves;
  • 0.7% belongs to those working to transform coca leaves into coca paste and the same amount belongs to those who further the refinement of the drug, transforming it into hydrochloric cocaine, also known as pure cocaine;
  • those whose focus is the transportation and wholesale of the product, with an additional 10% of additives, absorb 5.2% of the income;
  • what remains, about 91%, is absorbed by the various organizations that provide, in successive phases, for the arrival of the product to consumers.
Imagine: With all the money floating around in the cocaine trade, just 2.7% goes to those who cultivate and process the leaves in their home countries! Yet according to Pani and many others, many regions have become utterly reliant economically on profits from growing coca, poppy, marijuana, and other illegal plants.

How much cheaper might it be to pay for alternative employment at higher wages for poor folks in Latin America than to spend billions attempting to destroy their main source of sustenance? With the stick having failed, perhaps the use of the carrot is in order? Of course, that's not what President Bush wants to do with the $1.4 billion he wants to spend playing cops and robbers in Mexico. But maybe it should be.

Wednesday, January 02, 2008

Two Candidates File Against Incumbents for Texas Court of Criminal Appeals

According to Amber Moon at the Texas Democratic Party, "Susan Strawn and JR Molina submitted their petitions for [the] CCA, Places 3 and 4 respectively." Place 3 is Tom Price, and Place 4 is Paul Womack. Place 9 Judge Cathy Cochran, who is also up for re-election in 2008, did not draw an opponent.

Based on his past campaign experience, when he didn't even show up at editorial board meetings, I don't expect much from Molina's candidacy, but I'd sure like to see Strawn's campaign highlight the court's bad record under Presiding Judge Sharon Keller - easily the best available strategy is to make the election, to the extent possible, a referendum on the court's record under her leadership.

Rosenthal Out

Charles Kuffner brings the word that Chuck Rosenthal withdrew his name from consideration for another term as Harris County DA. Republican Jim Leitner, a defense attorney and former prosecutor, will replace him on the ballot. I must say I didn't expect this: I thought Rosenthal's ego was too big for him to let himself to be cowed out of the race.

Who is Jim Leitner? He ran third behind Rosenthal in the 2000 GOP primary for Harris County DA. And he sounds like a past critic of Rosenthal's take-no-prisoners style. According to the Houston Chronicle:

In 2001, Leitner said he thought Harris County prosecutors were overzealous in their pursuit of death sentences against capital murder defendants.

"As long as that is the prevailing view, there are going to be a lot of capital murder prosecutions. People in other counties don't see it that way."

He added, "I think we kill a lot of people who don't fit the statute."

Though it's just a hint, that attitude would certainly be quite a change of pace from the current leadership at the Harris DA. Miya Shay adds that "more names could be on the ballot. Because Rosenthal took his name off, candidates have an additional 48 hours to file, meaning the new deadly in Friday at 6pm."

We'll soon see if any new names emerge. Kuff fears that the last minute candidate switcheroo makes it "harder for C.O. Bradford to win." But in truth, we know Bradford has flaws as a candidate, while I don't know much about Leitner. I look forward to a vigorous election process to allow voters to decide who is better qualified to run the DA's office, which could sorely use the kind of credibility boost Craig Watkins has brought in Dallas.

UPDATE: Rhymes with Right thinks Rosenthal's alleged affair may not be the only reason he withdrew, pointing to a federal judge's order released minutes after his announcement about deleted emails from the DA's county computer. Kuff has more and speculates that Leitner may be a placeholder for another candidate, possibly from Rosenthal's staff. Also, see the New York Times coverage of Rosenthal's announcement.

NUTHER UPDATE: And now, bizarrely, Rosenthal appears to be back in the race. What must be going through this man's head? Strange craziness.

Corporate Mercenary Dyncorp to Brief Investors on Status

Savvy investors and investigative reporters tend to ask the same questions, so it'll be interesting to hear what corporate mercenary Dyncorp tells its investors on its January 31 conference call. Here's the text of their recent press release:
DynCorp International Inc. Schedules Earnings Conference Call to Discuss Fiscal Year 2008 Third Quarter Results

FALLS CHURCH, Va.--(Business Wire)--DynCorp International Inc. (NYSE:DCP), a provider of specialized mission-critical technical services to civilian and military government agencies, will host a conference call at 8:30 a.m. ET on Thursday, January 31, 2008, to discuss results for the third quarter of fiscal year 2008.

During the call, Herbert J. Lanese, DynCorp International Inc.'s president and chief executive officer, and Michael J. Thorne, chief financial officer, will review financial results and business developments for the third quarter of fiscal year 2008. The conference call will be webcast and may be accessed by all interested parties at www.dyn-intl.com. To access the webcast, please go to this Web site approximately fifteen minutes prior to the start of the call to register, download, and install any necessary audio software.

To participate in the conference call, dial (866) 871-0758 and enter the conference ID number: 29427480. International callers should dial (706) 634-5249 and enter the same conference ID number above. A telephonic replay will be available from 9:30 a.m. ET on January 31, 2008 through 11:59 p.m. ET on February 15, 2008. To access the replay, please dial (800) 642-1687 or (706) 645-9291 and enter the following ID number: 29427480.

About DynCorp International Inc.

DynCorp International Inc., through its operating company DynCorp International LLC, is a provider of specialized mission-critical technical services to civilian and military government agencies, with specific global expertise in law enforcement training and support, security services, base operations, aviation services and operations and logistics support. Headquartered in Falls Church, VA, DynCorp International Inc. has more than 14,000 employees worldwide. For more information on DynCorp International Inc., visit our website at www.dyn-intl.com.

DynCorp International Inc.
Cindy Roberts, 817-224-1461
Director of Investor Relations
Email: cindy.roberts@dyn-intl.com
Dyncorp not only operates US drug interdiction programs in Afghanistan and South America, they're vying to provide privatized border patrol services and to train Mexican police under President Bush's proposed $1.4 billion anti-drug initiative. Those interested, mark your calendars.

Be It Resolved

The missus this morning was fretting that she'd not yet decided on a New Year's resolution, and it occurs to me that for many people these might be an afterthought, perhaps not considered until after a big meal when some football game is on that prevents one's full attention.

Here are some criminal justice related resolutions I wish Texas officials would make for 2008, though I'm not holding my breath on any of them:
  • Everyone at the Texas Youth Commission should resolve to take a deep breath, wish one another Happy New Year, and give the new conservator a little room to breathe while he gets his sea legs under him. He doesn't have long to act, IMO, but he deserves the chance to assess the situation and figure out how to proceed.
  • County commissioners should resolve make sure their county pursues every available opportunity for expanding jail diversion programs and strengthening probation, encouraging low-level offenders to earn their way off supervision through good behavior using evidence-based practices.
  • County commissioners should also resolve to use purse strings as leverage to require Sheriffs and prosecutors to accept HB 2391 citations for low-level misdemeanors. This was the only new tool given to counties by the Lege in 2007 to combat jail overcrowding, and too many pols have refused to use it. A commenter sensibly suggested that counties should require arresting jurisdictions to pay for upkeep and incarceration expenses of HB 2391 offenders unless "there's not an underlying reason for arresting as opposed to cite and summons." That makes a lot of sense to me, and would save the county a lot of money either way, putting the financial onus on the agency exercising its discretion.
  • Finally, for the rest of us, Matthew 25:41-45 reminds us of Christ's dictum to his disciples that he considered failing to visit those in prison an offense as great as if they'd ignored Christ himself incarcerated. So on the off chance the old fellow was on to something, let me encourage Grits readers to themselves resolve to visit someone in prison or jail in 2008. That seems do-able, and not so nebulous as some resolutions you hear, like plans to lose weight. I can think right now of someone who I've long needed to visit up in Huntsville, and perhaps this resolution will provide an excuse for me to get off my butt and do so.
What other resolutions would you like to see from Texas public officials and what if any resolutions have you made this year?

The Biggest Texas Private Prison Stories of 2007

Texas Prison Bidness gives us a link-rich account of the top five Texas private prison stories from 2007:
  • Legislative actions on private prison regulation
  • Local opposition growing to private prisons
  • Scandals at GEO Group-owned facilities
  • Lege hearings on expanding private prison oversight after closure of TYC's Coke County unit, and
  • Controversy around and opposition to the Hutto family detention center housing immigration detainees in Williamson County
Good stuff! Check it out.

Are they "Mexican" cartels if the leaders live in America?

Here's one I'd missed: In its retrospective list of the "Top Ten Valley Stories in 2007" (Dec. 31), the McAllen Monitor included a school board bribery scandal, furious local opposition to a border wall, and this reminder that powerful Mexican drug cartels already are operating on the US side of the border:
Federal authorities arrested a man believed to be a high-ranking official in a Mexican drug smuggling operation in July at a supermarket in McAllen.
McAllen police arrested Carlos Landín-Martinez, 52, at the H.E.B. on the corner of Fern Avenue and North 10th Street on a Saturday afternoon. An off-duty agent with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency spotted him grocery shopping. The man identified himself once confronted, and he was transferred to federal custody by the following Monday.

Landín-Martinez allegedly collected taxes for the Gulf Cartel in Reynosa on drugs smuggled by smaller organizations through the city into markets north of the Rio Grande. He worked as a commander for the Tamaulipas State Police, and reports have linked him to the cartel’s violent enforcement group Los Zetas.

Authorities arraigned Landín-Martinez in July on charges of conspiracy and importing a controlled substance.
We already knew Los Zetas are recruiting US teens in Texas border towns as assassins. Since this fellow was doing his grocery shopping in McAllen, one assumes he lived on the US side as well.

Perhaps its time we stop thinking of the Gulf, Sinaloa, and Juarez drug trafficking organizations as "Mexican" cartels. At a minimum, they're multinational cartels. Or who knows? ... Maybe even American.

Counties balking at giving officers discretion on low-level arrests

A lot of Texas counties with jail overcrowding problems have chosen so far to stare the proverbial gift horse in the mouth rather than implement a new statute passed by the Legislature last year to help the problem, reports the Dallas Morning News ("Marijuana tickets not catching on," Dec. 31).

The News mistakenly reported that Travis County is the only jurisdiction using the new authority; I know Colorado County set up a system to do so, as did Jeffereson County, and the Hays, Navarro, and Palo Pinto Sheriffs reportedly are using the new discretion.

Quite a few other jurisdictions are still looking at the logistical details, but those seem surmountable: Others have figured out how to do it, after all. The bigger barrier to implementation are attitudes of local officials, summarized by a Collin County ADA:
For Greg Davis, Collin County's first assistant district attorney, one of his qualms with the new law is the perception created by ticketing for a drug offense, instead of making an arrest.

"It may... lead some people to believe that drug use is no more serious than double parking," Mr. Davis said. "We don't want to send that message to potential drug users, particularly young people."

Regular readers know I consider all laws designed to "send a message" to be fundamentally flawed. Justice policies should be based on desired outcomes, not some esoteric "message" that no one receives. If you want to send a message, rent a billboard. That's not the function of an arrest.

Besides, what message does it send for jails to be dangerously overcrowded? What message does it send to house nonviolent offenders with dangerous ones? What message does it send to take officers off the streets for low-level crimes when more serious offenders are at large? For that matter, what message does it send that the War on Drugs incarcerates tens of thousands of people statewide and yet drugs are as widely available as ever? Why aren't officials worried about THOSE messages?

Officers still have discretion to arrest under HB 2391 if they think there's a reason; the bill only gives them an option to issue a citation when an arrest isn't really necessary. If there's an obvious flight risk or a question whether the suspect can be identified in court, the statute retains officers' authority to arrest them. It only gives departments another tool to bolster understaffed police forces and reduce unnecessary jail overcrowding, both of which to my mind improve public safety.

It's been fascinating to me how this debate has come to center around arresting for marijuana, even though the law designates several other B misdemeanors (graffiti, criminal trespass, driving with an invalid license, etc.) for using optional citations. In some of these jurisdictions where opposition centers mainly on pot, perhaps proponents should attempt to implement the new authority only for the other listed offenses - just getting the folks with invalid licenses out of the jails would be a big help.

Certainly by giving locals discretion, HB 2391 as written assumes that counties where local officials disapprove of the idea don't have to use the new authority. But then, voters in those counties should oppose on principle new jail building schemes. It's one thing to tell voters they should pay for a new jail because they have to, and quite another to build one as an optional expense.

HB 2391 saves taxpayers' money and focuses scarce criminal justice resources on more serious offenses, while still prosecuting non-violent B misdemeanors just like in the past. In counties like Harris, Dallas and Bexar where jail overcrowding has reached crisis levels, IMO it borders on irresponsible not to use this discretion. Officials need to get over their fear of being labeled "soft" on drugs and do what's best for their constituents' safety and the county's bottom line.

RELATED GRITS POSTS:

Tuesday, January 01, 2008

Grits' 2008 Criminal Justice Predictions

Before I turn my attention to preparing a traditional southern New Year's good luck feast of ham, black-eyed peas and cornbread, I thought I'd toss out a few predictions about the Texas justice system for 2008. Let me know what you think:
  • For the first time since the death penalty was re-established, Texas will witness more innocent people exonerated by DNA and freed from prison than the state will execute for committing capital murder thanks to the de facto moratorium awaiting a SCOTUS decision in the Baze case. A majority of those exonerations will come from Dallas County.
  • TYC's inmate population will fall to 2,000 or fewer by the end of the year, down from more than 4,500 at the beginning of 2007, thanks to SB 103 and new rule changes allowing earlier release.
  • TDCJ will face litigation over poor inmate health care that will force the next Legislature to significantly increase spending.
  • In a bitterly fought election, incumbent Harris County District Attorney Chuck Rosenthal will lose his post to former Houston police chief and Democratic candidate C.O. Bradford in November. Whoops, blew this one already - Rosenthal is out!
  • If Democrats field candidates for the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, they will either win or be the party's highest statewide vote-getters.
  • The US government in 2008 will train Mexican police or military officers who will wind up working for drug cartels within the next 3-5 years, just as happened with Los Zetas, the enforcement arm of the Gulf Cartel.
Which of those predictions do you agree or disagree with? And what prognostications would you add to the list? Let me know what you think in the comments.

And here's wishing Grits' readers a happy and productive new year.

Monday, December 31, 2007

Grits' Top Ten Texas Criminal Justice Stories of 2007

Time for Grits' year-end list of Texas' Top Ten Criminal Justice Stories of 2007. Let me know what other big stories deserve recollection as we close out an eventful year.

Texas Youth Commission Meltdown
It's hard to imagine a state agency enduring more turmoil than TYC has gone through this year. New administrators appointed by Governor Perry took an already troubled agency and nearly ran it into the ground. Hopefully the agency's new conservator, who's been awfully quiet since his appointment just before Christmas, will begin to clean house and move TYC in a new direction. I've written so much on this subject it would be fruitless to try to summarize the past gut wrenching year in this space, but see prior Grits TYC-related posts for an in-depth look at what's happened to this agency in 2007.

Prisons Full and Understaffed: Sentences too long and parole too rare
With Texas prisons full and unable to staff current units, the Legislature and voters approved debt to build three new prisons. However, with staffing problems unresolved, the system really must pin its hopes on increasing parole rates for low-level, non-violent offenders, which under current Board of Pardons and Parole Chair Rissie Owens have reached all-time lows. The Sunset Commission said low parole rates were the main cause of prison overcrowding in the last few years along with lengthier sentences "enhanced" by the Legislature. Now the parole board must change course and dramatically shorten prison stays for many non-violent offenders, who make up a majority of Texas prisoners, in order to free up space to keep more dangerous criminals behind bars.

Rehabilitation Re-Emphasized in Adult System
Ironically, while youth corrections moved away from a rehabilitative model toward simply warehousing youth, Texas' adult prison system took important first steps in 2007 toward embracing and funding long-ignored treatment and rehab programs. The Lege shortened probation lengths for many low-level offenders, giving them new opportunities to earn their way off probation through good behavior. In addition, local use of drug courts expanded this year - 37 different such courts statewide recently received federal pass-through support grants from the Governor. Even more importantly, the Legislature ponied up more than $200 million to expand drug treatment and intermediate sanctions facilities that give courts new tools to combat substance abuse and reduce recidivism among chronic low-level offenders.

Exonerations Inspire Dallas DA to Team Up with Innocence Project
Dallas District Attorney Craig Watkins reacted to a string of DNA exonerations in his county quite differently from his predecessor: Rather than fight fact-based exonerations tooth and nail, Watkins teamed up with the Texas Tech-based Innocence Project of Texas to ensure that every offender who's innocence could possibly be verified through DNA testing had their case independently reviewed. In an era when prosecutors like Chuck Rosenthal and Mike Nifong more frequently dominate headlines and political discourse, Watkins has been a breath of fresh air, and is fast becoming a media darling for pioneering new strategies for managing flaws in the justice system, not to mention, as the Dallas News put it, shifting the DA's Office's focus from "winning" to "justice."

Sharon Keller Disgraces Court, State
While in most states the big death penalty news in 2007 was the de facto moratorium until SCOTUS decides on the constitutionality of lethal injection procedures, in Texas the bigger controversy arose around the de jure decision to execute Michael Richard after SCOTUS issued its decision to review lethal injection in Baze. How many sitting judges can say about 150 attorneys and a thousand other citizens have signed onto complaints against them with the state Commission on Judicial Conduct? Only one that I know of: Texas Court of Criminal Appeals Presiding Judge Sharon Keller. Her decision not to notify her fellow judges of an 11th hour delay in a death penalty appeal - including keeping the jurist responsible for the decision out of the loop - arguably could have ranked at the top of the list except for one reason: Keller and the CCA have so long ago disgraced themselves that the egregious behavior that shocked the rest of the world seems to those of us here in Texas nearly routine. We'll find out in the coming week whether any Democrats will file to challenge incumbent Republican CCA members - I'll have more news on that score real soon. Arguably these judicial seats rank among the most vulnerable statewide races in the 2008 elections.

Actual and Perceived Corruption on the Rise
This year saw a great deal of both actual and perceived corruption discovered, with the public left wondering how deep it all goes. Though claims of terrorist infiltration along the border all turned out to be bogus, an increasingly impressive number of officers on the US side have been accused of accepting bribes at a time when cartels have begun to extend their influence northward, including recruiting hitmen among poor US teens in border towns. Meanwhile, the US Export Import Bank was revealed to have given millions in loans to known drug cartel members. A corruption probe in El Paso accusing public officials of bribe taking includes more prominent local names every time I see new coverage. In Houston, an assistant chief testified under oath that a woman who performed oral sex to avoid arrest engaged in a "consensual" agreement with the officer. In Dallas, more than a dozen Democratic politicos were accused of various corruption charges by the feds in 2007, including state Rep. Terri Hodge who allegedly accepted free rent for several years from a developer for whom she did political favors, according to the federal indictment. At the Texas Youth Commission, a probably unnecessary contract to re-categorize inmates was given with no bidding process to Gregg Phillips, a lobbyist friend of former state Rep. Arlene Wohlgemuth who has been accused in the past of improperly steering state contracts to friends and family. The Bexar County Sheriff resigned to avoid a felony indictment for bribery regarding a contract with a private firm to operate the jail commissary.

New DPS Drug Enforcement Rules Boost Seizures, Reduce Arrests
Vying with the previous item for the "Most important, seldom told story of the year," the Texas Department of Public Safety reported this year that new drug enforcement priorities implemented in recently adopted agency rules growing out of the "Tulia" debacle had produced remarkable results, doubling the number of drug seizures in the first year while overall drug arrests declined 40%. That's because the new rules place "no priority" on arresting "end users," defined as "the intended user of illegal drugs [who is] generally motivated by addiction." Instead, DPS now targets "Drug Trafficking Organizations" with five or more identified participants. One especially notable aspect of this new strategy was the elimination of drug interdiction units on the highway: I was fascinated to realize that even though DPS no longer fishes for drug shipments on the Interstates, their total drug seizures increased. Congrats to Commander Patrick O'Burke and everybody else in DPS Narcotics for transforming the Tulia tragedy into a legacy of improved, more professional drug enforcement statewide.

Hype-Driven Pedophilia Law Makes Family Abuse Victims Less Likely to Come Forward
Succumbing to an extraordinary season of hype about child abusers during the 2006 election, the Texas Legislature in 2007 passed "Jessica's Law," an ill-considered piece of legislative flotsam that created a new crime, "continuous sexual abuse of a child," with minimum penalties of 25 years on the first offense and allowing death on the second, and eliminated the statute of limitations for sexual offenses against children. When the bill passed, I predicted that "the 25 year mandatory minimum first offense will be reduced by a future Texas Legislature soon after the first instance discovered where a family did not turn in a pedophilia case involving a young child because of stiff first-time sentences. I hope I'm wrong, but I don't think so."

Border security policy misses target
Despite evidence that "Operation Linebacker" and its bureaucratic descendants failed to reduce crime in the areas that received new funding, Governor Perry and his legislative supporters dramatically expanded funding for this pork barrel program, approving more than $100 million for "border security" in the 2008-2009 biennium. So far, the Governor has focused on establishing a parallel bureaucracy to Texas' traditional security agencies like the Department of Public Safety that are under his control, but unfortunately these new entities don't typically communicate or work with other agencies, according to legislative testimony. Bottom line: That dynamic has made the Governor's homeland security division a quite expensive and counterproductive third wheel whose sole function appears to be to fight with older bureaucracies over "turf." This policy makes no one happy: Conservatives who want immigration enforcement will be disappointed because, despite all the hype, none of the money goes toward that purpose, while anyone concerned with battling drug cartels will find little direct correlation between new money spent and outcomes on the ground.

Healthcare in prisons and jails nearing crisis
With the federal government having ordered the state of California to open up the taxpayers collective wallet to pay for long-neglected prisoner healthcare, a looming subterranean health crisis faces Texas prisons and many jails. The University of Texas Medical Branch at Galveston, in particular, has admitted in legislative hearings that the care they provide in adult prisons is "barely constitutional," while the care they provide at the Texas Youth Commission actually got worse after the agency went into conservatorship, UTMB reported. Until 2006 UTMB was responsible for jail healthcare in Dallas, but county officials ended that contract because of outcomes so bad they invited a federal civil rights lawsuit. Could healthcare in Texas prisons, which UTMB runs using the same telemedicine scheme used in Dallas, be far behind? How long will Texas get a pass for spending half the amount per inmate on healthcare compared to California and most other large states? Time will tell, but my guess is not long after a certain former Texas Governor leaves the White House - particularly under a Democratic President, but really either way - we can expect litigation aiming to force increased spending for Texas prison healthcare from the US Justice Department.

Honorable Mention:

Public Sentiment Waning for New Jail Spending
In what I consider a bellwether election on the subject in November, voters in two of Texas' most conservative, "tuff on crime" counties - Harris (Houston) and Smith (Tyler) - rejected new debt for jail building. In Tyler, where opponents mounted an active anti-jail campaign, voters rejected a new jail by a 69-31 margin. In Houston, heavy turnout in black neighborhoods and modest support elsewhere doomed the proposal by a narrower margin - 51-49 - with no opposing campaign and with blogs as the only vocal opposition. Notably, it was the first time Houstonians rejected bonds on any public ballot in more than 20 years. Voters may like the "tuff on crime" message, but these elections show they may not be so happy when presented with the long-term bill. The Legislature responded to local jail overcrowding by expanding the range of offenses for which police can use a "cite and summons" mechanism instead of arresting non-violent class B offenders, but so far officers in most counties aren't using this new authority. Time will tell if these is an electoral blip on the radar screen or the beginning of a more significant trend.

See last year's list, and a recent update on those stories.

Annual contenders:

What is the "pro-animal" agenda?

I got to visit yesterday with a friend who works for the Humane Society, who mentioned something I found interesting: I enviously observed that it must be a lot easier to advocate for puppies and kittens than for people caught up in the justice system, to which she replied that the Humane Society policy agenda was "boring." "It's all enhancements," she said, "just increasing penalties for animal cruelty, stuff like that."

That's a shame. Nobody is more pro-dog than me (not really a cat person), but it makes little sense to increase penalties for animal cruelty when the current laws go largely unenforced until an animal has already met its untimely demise. If you want to prevent animal cruelty, or investigate allegations thereof, spending greater resources on enforcement on the front end would do a lot more good than punishing the occasional person actually caught more severely.

It shouldn't be necessary for criminal justice reformers and animal advocates like the Humane Society to be on opposite sides of the political fence. Historically, the knee-jerk, bipartisan first reaction to every social woe is to pass a law against it and increase penalties if the law doesn't stop it. For many offenses though, like drug use and animal cruelty, that approach has largely failed to stop the behaviors.

So what might a more effective pro-animal political agenda look like that did not focus on increasing criminal penalties?

Most public education efforts typically aren't very effective, my friend said, but perhaps it would be possible to think creatively about that: We don't need to "educate" everyone, since most people don't abuse animals, but only those who've engaged in the behavior. What if the punishment for animal cruelty weren't incarceration, but education for offenders including community service jobs that provide supervised services to abused animals (or even just shoveling poop at the dog pound). Maybe education resources would be better spent more intensively on the handful of people prone to abusing animals rather than on the general population.

What other pro-animal agenda might be developed that doesn't involve penalty increases? The obvious ones are funding for dog pounds, spay/neutering functions, "rescue" services, perhaps marketing for pet adoption, programs to train dogs for dog owners with disabilities or other special needs. I'd also like to see offenders sentenced to some sort of peer education, using those who've engaged in activities like dog fighting, e.g., to perform pub ed functions within their own social networks as part of community supervision.

There must be other ways the government could reduce animal cruelty besides just increasing penalties. Let me know in the comments if you can think of any others.

Sunday, December 30, 2007

Smith County Justice Gets New Web Watchdog

Go say "Howdy" to SmithCountyJustice.org, a new website dedicated to "fighting injustice and corruption in Smith County, Texas." Regular readers know I grew up in Smith County (in the county seat of Tyler, actually), and try to keep up with local crime and punishment issues back in the hometown as much as possible. The site joins another local blog, Smith County: Tell the Truth, documenting the social, public safety and monetary costs of Tyler's legendary "tuff on crime" brand of justice.

Wichita Falls task force proves asset forfeiture can't finance drug units

There's a lesson to be drawn from the final demise of the North Texas Regional Drug Task Force based in Wichita Falls: It's hard for an honest privateer to make a living these days.

One of the last remaining Tulia-style drug task forces, the North Texas task force had hoped to continue operations based solely on asset forfeitures and funds seized from drug interdiction on the highways. As media everywhere publish their year-end retrospectives (Grits' own feature on the Top Ten Texas Criminal Justice Stories of 2007 will appear tomorrow), we find news from the local daily that the task force couldn't make their budget just by seizing funds. Reported the Times Record News ("Top stories of the year," Dec. 29):

The North Texas Regional Drug Task Force closed down in 2007, victim of budget cuts. The consortium of law officers had served 23 counties in drug investigations. The Texas Legislature curtailed its funding of regional task forces and federal grant money was diverted to other purposes.

Another factor was the trend of drug traffickers to choose methamphetamine over cocaine, which resulted in lower cash seizures by the task force.

City and county governments chipped in enough money to keep the task force, which operated out of the Wichita Falls Police Department, running though 2007. But the money wasn’t available for 2008. The task force officers were absorbed into WFPD or other agencies.

The two reasons given by the Times Record News for the task force's closure deserve closer attention. It's certainly true that Governor Rick Perry eliminated funding for Texas drug task forces in 2006, shifting the money to pay for border security grants to 16 Sheriff's departments along the Rio Grande, an initiative which itself has met with mixed results. That's what caused the North Texas Drug Task Force to venture out on its own, attempting to operate based on forfeiture funds.

But the second reason given explains why THAT plan failed: "the trend of drug traffickers to choose methamphetamine over cocaine, which resulted in lower cash seizures." The narco-warriors simply couldn't make enough money through asset forfeiture to make the special unit worthwhile.

Fighting crime should not be a for-profit enterprise, which is what they tried to turn this task force into in Wichita Falls. It's one thing to occasionally benefit from asset forfeiture funds, and quite another to rely upon them routinely for one's annual budget. It was a bad idea from the start and I'm pleased, if unsurprised, to discover that it failed.

When the Tulia scandal broke in 1999, Texas had more than 50 of these regional drug task forces. With the demise of the Wichita Fallas TF, we're down to four, none of them any longer receiving federal Byrne grant funds. The fate of these task forces, perhaps especially the one in Wichita Falls, represents an important step in the ongoing shift in thinking in Texas about how best to combat harms from drug abuse and trafficking.

Magic Johnson Goes to Texas Prison for "Wall Talk"

Here's one sports star I never expected to see in prison, even with all the professional athletes out there in trouble with the law: Basketball legend Earvin "Magic" Johnson. Fortunately, he was just visiting the Darrington Unit to participate in TDCJ's "peer education program, 'Wall Talk,'" filming a video that will be shown to "at risk" offenders. The prisoners Johnson met with are "trained to 'spread the word,' ... [to] help educate fellow offenders about preventive health care as it relates to HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, hepatitis A, B and C, as well as diabetes and staph infections." Good for him! Also, good for TDCJ for using peer education to supplement top-down approaches to its longstanding healthcare failings; they have to try something! Johnson and TDCJ "filmed a discussion he had with a group of offenders. The resultant DVD will be used to disseminate his message further into at-risk communities"

Missouri juvie justice profiled

AP has a story on Missouri's juvenile corrections model that most juvie justice professionals believe constitutes the best practices currently known for reforming delinquent youth. Texas Youth Commission previously dismissed Missouri's approach, but I'm hoping the new conservator will provide leadership to take the agency in that direction.

Saturday, December 29, 2007

Aggie administrators ignore risk from bioterrorism research

Viruses created as bioweapons rank among technology's most grim contributions to the human experiment, but too often those researching these deadly bugs seem quite callous and casual about the risk of spreading them to the public.

I've written before that we've met the bioterrorism threat in Texas and it is us, but you wouldn't know it from how our state leaders behave. Texas A&M University claims it's ready to re-certify it's biodefense lab after a lab worker was accidentally exposed to a virus during an experiment this summer. Reports AP:

After learning about lab workers' exposure to bioweapons agents, the CDC launched an investigation that uncovered other failures, including several missing vials of Brucella and at least seven cases in which the school allowed unauthorized access to select agents.

Edward Hammond, director of The Sunshine Project, an Austin-based bioweapon watchdog, said university officials were "excessively optimistic" when they said publicly that they expected to be up and running by the end of 2007.

"When they said that, they were trying to put a spin on it, trying to trivialize, to minimize, the implications of what had happened," Hammond said. "They thought this was a problem minor enough to be fixed in short order. Turns out, that's not the case."

The Sunshine Project first discovered that workers had been exposed to the toxic agents while researching the universities vying to host a new National Bio and Agro-Defense Facility. Texas A&M had been among the applicants for the homeland security project.

American biodefense labs have experienced more than 100 accidents or missing shipments since 2003, and more deadly viruses and toxins are being transported routinely among more labs than ever before.


Upon studying bioterror threats at some length as a member of Texas' Bioterrorism Preparedness Task Force several years ago, I became convinced that a graver risk existed from an accident among our own domestic "defense" programs than from Al Qaeda or some terrorist group. Perhaps the most concise statement of my views on the subject was laid out in this 2004 letter to a Texas Senate committee. (I notice Jay Kimbrough, then the Governor's homeland security guru, was cc'd on the 2004 letter, so at least he's heard these arguments before.)

Not every Texas university needs a BSL-3 or BSL-4 lab to handle the planet's most deadly bugs. The existing labs in Galveston and San Antonio mean Texas already does more than it's share of biodefense research, and I don't think officials pursuing the expanded lab at A&M have fully grokked the massive potential risk that comes along with the new federal dollars they're pursuing. We shouldn't have to wait until another labworker is exposed, they walk outside onto the campus and kill a bunch of hapless Aggies before these concerns are taken more seriously.

At a minimum I wish officials weren't in such a rush to get the lab back online. It's one thing for Mike McKinney and Jay Kimbrough to say the lab is ready to go, but I'd feel a lot better if the CDC and the Sunshine Project agreed with their assessment.