Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Immigration inmates protest 'system steeped in failure, secrecy and alleged human rights abuses'

The Texas Tribune's Julian Aguilar has a must-read story regarding the battle over inmate conditions in immigrant detention centers. The story opens:

Inmates in a South Texas detention facility began a series of staggered hunger strikes in January, hoping for better conditions and fewer transfers, as advocates pleaded for the federal government to come through on failed promises to reform the immigrant-detention system. Those failings, they argue, prompted inmates at the facility, which sits less than 50 miles from Harlingen, to refuse food in protest of what they allege is mental and physical abuse, lack of medical care and near-nil access to legal resources.

The government said on Friday that only two prisoners remain on what it calls “voluntary fasting” at the Port Isabel Detention Center. But the inmates have staggered their fasts, advocates of detention reform say, so that someone fasting this week might be replaced next week by another protester. Advocates allege that hundreds of inmates have taken part since the strike's inception to protest a detention system steeped in failure, secrecy and alleged human rights abuses.

In an report released last year, the Department of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement acknowleged the need to overhaul the current detention management system, especially as it relates to medical care of its inmates, alternatives to detention programs and the process by which inmate records are maintained in case of a transfer. DHS and ICE have identified their shortcomings, says Silky Shah, the organizing and outreach coordinator for Detention Watch Network, a Washington, D.C. based advocacy group. But, she says, the government appears content to ignore the problems.

“It’s very clear that ICE doesn’t know what it’s doing,” she says. “The system is in crisis — it’s broken. They literally said they don’t have a risk-assessment tool. And they have no idea who they are holding. They don’t know who is inside.”

Read the whole thing.

Tuesday, March 09, 2010

Amarillo boosters launch premature defense of prison pork

The Amarillo Globe News on Sunday published an odd little journalistic trot down memory lane recounting the 20th anniversary of a behind-the-scenes lobby effort to secure TDCJ's Clements and Neal units in the Amarillo area. But it wasn't until Rev. Charles Kiker sent me a link to this editorial from the Globe-News that I understood the purpose of this rather mundane, non-news in the Sunday paper. Their editorial board opined:
Texas state government is having some budget difficulties, considering how to erase a projected deficit that could total as much as $17 billion.

One idea on the table is the state's enormous prison system, specifically whether to close some corrections units.

It's worth noting that the William J. Clements Jr. Unit in Amarillo has just turned 20.

Amarillo and the Panhandle lobbied the then-Texas Department of Corrections hard for the prison unit.

The Clements Unit, along with the Nat Neal Unit, went up and the region - not to mention the state's criminal justice system - has reaped the reward.

Texas has the second-largest state-run prison system in the country. It expanded tremendously during the late 1980s after a federal court order ruled the state prison system's crowded conditions were violating the constitutional rights of inmates.

It would be a big mistake to close these units, given Texans' long-held support for the massive corrections system.

Amarillo and its support of the Clements and Neal units surely is no exception.

I suspect we're going to see more such stories from boosters in regional media, the more talk we hear of budget crunches affecting corrections spending. However, the Globe-News' concern is probably unwarranted; the Clements and Neal units almost certainly wouldn't fit the profile for possible closure.

From everything I've heard (and there's been a lot of behind-the-scenes chatter on the subject), basically the categories of possible closures include, for different reasons:
1) Units where special interests want the land for other stuff.
2) Units with high per prisoner costs.
3) Older units that struggle to meet modern security standards and cost too much to operate.
4) Private units whose contracts are up.
5) Facilities with a history of security and contraband problems.
6) Facilities which TDCJ can't find enough guards to adequately staff.
Units in more than one of those categories are potentially at greater risk of closure. However, neither unit near Amarillo fits any of those descriptions.

Indeed, if I had to speculate, the prisons perhaps most likely to be closed in a budget crunch are ones where local boosters want them moved to use the land for economic development. Beyond that, there's a private prison in Mineral Wells with security and contraband problems whose contract is up soon that Sen. John Whitmire has said should be closed. In the Panhandle region, probably the only facility anyone has thought about closing or downsizing is the unit in Dalhart, where TDCJ continues to have problems finding sufficient staff.

Of course, Texas has never closed a prison since the first one opened in the 1840s, but the possibility was recently declared "absolutely on the table" by House Corrections chairman Jim McReynolds.

Even so, closing two or three units still won't get TDCJ to the 5% cuts requested by state leaders. To do that would require policy changes on criminal justice in addition to budget decisions about prisons. There will surely be more discussion about what such changes might look like in the coming weeks and months, but essentially legislators need to build on successes from the 2007 probation reforms and scale back drug war excesses, ideas which look good on paper but may require more political courage than any suggested prison closure.

TDCJ budget cut discussions ignore savings from possible prison closures

The Texas House Appropriations Committee yesterday gave Department of Criminal Justice director Brad Livingston a pass on whether prison closures should be part of his agency's budget cutting strategies.

He walked the committee through his list of suggested budget cuts (pdf), but legislators allowed these very politicized proposals to frame the terms of debate. To hear Livingston tell it, legislators face a choice between two options: a) doing nothing or b) slashing treatment and diversion programming that has kept Texas' prison population down. (See the video here. Livingston's testimony begins about the 1:40:00 mark.)

Livingston told the committee TDCJ had proposed cuts to "every single function of the agency," but that's not actually true: The one option he didn't suggest - the enormous elephant in the room that nobody mentioned - is cutting into the 80% of TDCJ's budget which goes toward operating 112 prison units, some of them more than 100 years old and highly inefficient. But TDCJ proposed NO prison unit closures as a means to cut the budget, and nobody asked him about the topic yesterday.

TDCJ did suggest (but recommended against) closing 817 private beds, but so far, TDCJ spokesperson Michelle Lyons told me recently, they've not identified which unit's numbers would be reduced. Bottom line, though: Prisons are mainly what TDCJ spends its money on, and prospects for budget cuts are marginal if all suggestions ignore 80% of their budget!

Since TDCJ won't broach the issue, proposing only disingenuous, untenable cuts that they know legislators can't accept, it'll be up to the Legislature to set the agency's priorities for them. If budget writers can summon the wisdom and political courage, the best route would be to boost funding for community supervision and strengthen probation instead of cutting it, as Livingston's 5% proposal would do.

The smartest way to cut Texas' corrections budget is sending more defendants through diversion programs and closing a targeted handful of our most expensive, unsecure, or understaffed prison units.

See related Grits posts:

No metal detectors, x-rays in capitol security plans so far

From Mike Ward at the Austin Statesman:

Security at the Texas Capitol will be increased under a seven-step plan approved by the state’s top three leaders and disclosed this morning in a letter delivered to lawmakers.

In a letter to Steve McCraw, the director of the Texas Department of Public Safety, Gov., Rick Perry, Lt. Gov., David Dewhurst and House Speaker Joe Straus authorized the initial steps that include expanded bike patrols, the deployment of bomb-sniffing dogs, a mass notification system for Capitol workers in case of an emergency and new training programs for troopers who provide security at the statehouse.

Missing are the installation of metal detectors at Capitol entrances, an item that Perry has said he opposes. But the letter hints that additional, unspecified enhancements may be coming.

Ramped-up security at the Capitol has been an issue since a gunman in January fired several shots with a pistol outside the south entrance. No one was hurt, and the gunman — a 24-year-old man from Houston, — was quickly apprehended by troopers.

Legislative leaders immediately called for tighter security measures.

The letter, dated March 4, was the first announced move to increase security at the Capitol since the shooting.

I for one am thankful top state leadership have so-far resisted DPS director Steve McCraw's calls for airport-style security at the Texas capitol. Such measures wouldn't even have prevented the recent incident, which happened outside the building.

See related Grits posts:

Monday, March 08, 2010

Private prison contract renewals may cost Texas additional millions

At a House Appropriations Committee meeting today, House Corrections Chairman Jim McReynolds asked TDCJ chief Brad Livingston if private prison-contracts up for renewal might increase their rates and increase costs for the state.

Livingston said that was possible, since contracts covering the 12,000 or so private beds for which TDCJ contracts are 5-7 years old. Most of these are up within the coming year and all new contracts should be negotiated by mid-2011. Livingston said that in general, for every dollar increase in per-inmate costs represented a $4.5 million cost increase to TDCJ.

The committee was also told that after the first two days, all health care costs for inmates at private prisons are paid for by TDCJ. So the committee was cautioned against comparing per-inmate costs between private units and TDCJ's state facilities because the privates' costs per-inmate don't include healthcare costs.

Monday morning roundup

Here are several stories that deserve Grits readers' attention, even if I don't have time to write about each of them individually:

Sunday, March 07, 2010

Absurdist 35-year pot sentence a hometown embarrassment

This absurdist sentence from my hometown embodies much of what's wrong with today's justice system, even if I partially disagree with this writer's diagnosis at the Houston Press' Hairballs blog of the offender's biggest error.
Smith County (East Texas) judges and juries have long had a reputation of meting out severe, some might say ridiculous, punishment for drug convictions. And Henry Wooten's case is no exception: the 54-year-old Tyler man was sentenced Thursday to 35 years in prison for possessing slightly more than four ounces of pot. Wooten actually got off easy -- the prosecutor asked the jury to give him 99 years. (We just hope TDCJ can free up room for this menace to society; maybe the state can release a child molester or serial arsonist to find a cell for Wooten.)

While the sentence may be asinine, we can't help but feel Wooten brought much of this upon himself -- mostly by choosing to be both a pothead and live in Tyler, when clearly that calls for an either/or scenario.
Hard to know what these people are thinking: Next time you read in the newspaper that a violent offender was released from TDCJ and immediately began committing serious crimes, think of this case and Mr. Wooten filling a prison cell needed for actually dangerous people. And since he's 54, TDCJ is getting him just when (according to averages) his health care costs are about to go up dramatically. This whole war on marijuana is really working out well, don't you think?

One also notes that this ridiculous sentence resulted from yet another blowhard prosecutor demanding to a jury that they send a message, arguing for a 99-year max sentence in the case for 4.6 ounces of marijuana (just over a quarter-pound) on the grounds that,"Every decision made by a jury sets a precedent." I suppose that's true, in a sense, if he meant establishing the precedent of Smith County being considered a laughingstock full of hypocritical, hyperpunitive jurors and prosecutors who almost seem to perform parody versions of their roles.

I can only add that, if my experience growing up in Tyler was any indication, there'd be a lot more white youth from the city's south side filling up TDCJ beds if that kind of sentence were routinely applied across the board. I haven't seen a photo of Mr. Wooten, but I don't need to in order to tell you he's almost certainly black. The sentence and the charging decisions that led to it tell you that much. In that sense, Hairballs was only partially right about Wooten's geographic error: This is north Tyler justice, such as it is - a precedent that was set a long time ago. What an embarrassment.

Friday, March 05, 2010

Indigency rules for Driver Responsibility surcharge published in Texas Register

There's good news and bad news on proposed reforms to the Driver Responsibility Surcharge.

The good news: The Department of Public Safety today published proposed rule changes in the Texas Register to establish the first-ever indigency program for the surcharge.

The bad news: DPS has dramatically scaled back their original proposal last summer, and the Public Safety Commission will need to provide staff additional direction if the rules are to improve as much as is really needed.

Still, even the minimalist indigency program DPS proposed is a big improvement over what was in place before, which was nothing. What's more, at the last PSC meeting, commissioners made it clear they weren't wedded to the language and may strengthen the proposal based on what they hear at the public hearing. That would require reissuing the rules and holding a second public hearing later this year, but agency rulemaking is not a quick turnaround process. DPS staff had been stalling the rules for months, and at this point commissioners said they just wanted to get the process started.

Now that the rules have been published, there will be a 30-day period for them to accept public comments, then a public hearing before the issue goes back to the Public Safety Commission. (Those who are interested in submitting written comments may submit them to Rebekah Hibbs, Driver License Division, Texas Department of Public Safety, P.O. Box 4087 (MSC 0300), Austin, Texas 78773; by fax to (512) 424-5233; or by email to DLDRuleComments@txdps.state.tx.us. )

Obviously I'll be writing much more about this between now and then, but wanted to get the news out as soon as I heard it. Regular readers know I'm particularly pleased at this decision because, even though the Lege gave them authority to enact indigency and amnesty programs in 2007, the PSC only began to seriously consider the issue after a citizens' petition which was organized from this blog with the help of the good folks at the Texas Fair Defense Project and submitted to the Public Safety Commission last summer. So I feel a personal connection to this process in that regard and am tickled that it's gotten this far.

But that just means we have an opportunity; this is no time for anyone who supports these changes to rest on their laurels.

No public hearing date has been announced, but for now anyone interested should consider filing written comments during the next 30 days - particularly individuals with personal stories who can explain how the surcharge has impacted their lives and their families. If you do submit written testimony, shoot me a copy at shenson@austin.rr.com and we'll try to find ways to use the greatest hits.

This rulemaking proposal presents a tremendous opportunity to fix one of Texas' worst public policy debacles that's resulted in 1.2 million Texans losing their drivers' licenses. The Public Safety Commission has just five members, which means in theory just three people could decide to enact major reforms to the Driver Responsibility surcharge if they chose to do so. Equally encouraging, commissioners have admirably educated themselves on the subject, and at their last meeting Commissioners Barth and Steen were already questioning staff over whether the current proposal goes far enough.

The publication of today's rules, then, is a welcome step forward. I'm hopeful DPS will make the most of the opportunity.

See related Grits posts:

Local TX probation faces large, unexpected shortfall

The amount budgeted by the Texas Legislature for basic probation funding in 2010 has fallen short, and state and local probation officials are scrambling to find a solution. A probation official and friend of the blog sends the following note which explained the problem well:
There is an unprecedented funding crisis for adult probation in Texas. At the end of every fiscal biennium, the 122 CSCDs in the state return their unspent state funds to TDCJ-CJAD. The Legislative Budget Board counts on those refunds to fund part of the budget line for the first year of the following biennium.

Based on past refunds, the LBB calculated in March of 2009, that the CSCDs would be refunding 19.8 million dollars. Since the economy went south in 2009, there was not much turnover in staff at the CSCDs (which is generally the main reason CSCDs have leftover money), so the refunds totaled only $13.1million. That means we are $6.7 million short for this year. This is not TDCJ-CJAD's fault or the CSCDs' fault. The LBB just over-calculated how much the CSCDs would return this year, and they were way off. The Chairman of the Probation Advisory Council (PAC) is Mike Wolfe of the Taylor County CSCD in Abilene, and he has called an emergency meeting of the PAC for Monday. The PAC is made up of representatives of from the CSCDs in the state, and will have to figure out what to do with this mess.

This has never happened before, so we are all going into uncharted territory.
Appended was this email from the head of adult probation at TDCJ, Cary Welebob, who wrote to to local probation officials:
Dear Directors:

The Community Supervision and Corrections Departments' (CSCDs) refunds from the previous biennium (FY 2008-09) were not sufficient to fulfill the requirement of Rider 54 to fully fund the CSCDs for FY 2010. The Rider requires that refunds of $19.8M be used to fully fund our appropriated lines (Basic, Community Corrections, Diversion Program, and Treatment Alternative to Incarceration Program). For a variety of reasons, including success in adding staff/filling vacancies, the CSCDs are utilizing more of their funding across the board instead of returning unused funding in the form of refunds. The refunds for FY 2010 amounted to approximately $13.1 million, resulting in a shortfall of $6.7M for FY 2010 funding. This shortfall will not affect FY2011.

Over the past few legislative sessions, the method of finance used in the first year of a biennium has been based on refunds returned to the State by CSCDs. This rider has increased over time as refunds have increased. It was always possible that, at some point, not enough refunds would be returned to fund the line for the first year of the biennium. This is where we stand today.

The refund rider shortfall only affects FY 2010, as the full community supervision appropriation will be made in FY 2011. This refund shortfall is separate from the 5% Biennial Budget Reduction Plan submitted by TDCJ as requested by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Speaker of the House. It is important to note that TDCJ is seeking an exemption of the probation functions within its plan submission.

This has been an extremely difficult message for me to give to you, and we have analyzed numbers in many different ways to be sure that we are correct in the amount of refunds. I will be meeting with representatives from the Judicial Advisory Council (JAC) and the Probation Advisory Committee (PAC) to discuss options for funding reductions for the remainder of FY 2010. Additionally, health insurance costs for Basic Supervision will exceed our projected amount for FY10 so this issue will also be addressed during our discussion. As some of you have inquired, we have not sent out the refund notification letters yet, in case the refund formula is changed to identify funding used to support the shortfall. Until those decisions are made, we have sent the CSCDs the March payment instead of the full third quarter. It is my intention that these decisions will move quickly so that all departments can be aware of the amounts which will be received for the remainder of this fiscal year.

If you have specific questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me. Carey
Nothing like a $6.7 million dollar hole in your budget to darken your day. The Legislative Budget Board may be obliged to begin some of its cost saving measures sooner than later if too many more speed bumps like this one crop up.

State budget leaders should be careful here; the cost-per-day difference between probationers and state prison inmates is enormous. So if local probation departments take money away from diversion programs to pay for basic supervision (or if they reduce the number of POs and can't staff the extra programming), it could boost revocations to prison and end up costing the state much more.

On the bright side, according to TDCJ there's some $15.3 million in unspent diversion money that perhaps the state could raid on a one-time basis to cover the shortfall. That might push the problem off until next biennium, when it'd be up to the Lege to come up with a better solution. I'm sure these and related topics will be among those discussed at the upcoming House Corrections Committee meeting March 16 on community corrections and recidivism.

In addition, TDCJ already suggested budget cuts (though they asked for a waiver) including a $22 million reduction in basic supervision funding to adult probation departments, so there's a good chance that whatever solutions are discussed at Monday's PAC meeting could be revisited down the line, even if another fix is found for this short-term crisis.

For my part, I think it would be a mistake to gut probation funding when prison budgets remain so unseemly bloated. I'd rather see the state continue funding levels for adult probation this biennium by closing the two TYC lockups early and letting one or more private prison contracts expire.

In many ways, the issue presents in microcosm the choices the Legislature will face on corrections spending when they reconvene in 2011, so its useful to pay attention to the decisions being made on this matter as well as the priorities and players driving them.

No accelerated closure for TYC's Pyote, Victory Field units

The Odessa American reported yesterday that the Texas Youth Commission did not plan to close two facilities - in Pyote and Vernon - earlier than expected. These units were already scheduled to close in August, but TYC told state leaders they could save money by closing them sooner, in early April. However, TYC spokesman Jim Hurley "added that the Legislative Budget Board could still order the facility to close sooner than August," a comment that seemed to leave the issue up in the air.

So I contacted state Sen. Chuy Hinojosa, who currently sits on the LBB, to get an answer straight from the horse's mouth. He had a staffer send me a memo on the topic which read, in relevant part:
  • TYC would realize $3 million in savings for FY 2010 if these facilities underwent accelerated closure.
  • During disucssions whether to pursue accelerated closure for these two facilities, several factors were taken into consideration including:
  1. Impact on the safety of the youths at the facility
  2. Impact on the local economy (retraining and relocation of TYC employees) ...
  • The LBB, during a recent inquiry by TYC, unanimously opted against the accelerated closures.
That seems to settle the matter: the LBB has already voted not to push for accelerated closure of either facility before August. (CORRECTION: One of Hinojosa's staffers called this morning to say that the line in this memo about LBB making a decision was inaccurate - an error by a staffer that is "simply false." The LBB has made no decision yet and still could choose to close the two facilities early, I was told.)

I should mention, btw, Hinojosa also (rightfully) chided me that I'd given Sen. John Whitmire credit for the TYC Sunset legislation he carried last year, and he's 100% right about that. Whitmire had been the most vocal proponent of downsizing TYC and moving more youth into community corrections settings, but it was Hinojosa's bill and there's no question he played a central role in all the recent reforms at the agency.

According to the Odessa American, local officials hope some other state agency will move into the facility in Pyote, which is the first I've heard of such a suggestion:

Ward County officials opposed an abrupt closing of the detention center, saying it would cause hardship and undercut efforts to transition the facility into another state agency.

“They are trying to find something else for this facility so that those jobs will stay here,” said Monahans Mayor David Cutbirth, who noted that the detention center has received several million dollars worth of upgrades in recent years and is one of the nicest TYC facilities in the state. “We’re all working very hard to find some kind of seamless transition to put some other state agency in there.”

The idea of moving another agency to Pyote to keep jobs there doesn't seem to jibe with TYC and LBB's focus on "retraining and relocation of TYC employees." Clearly nobody knows for sure yet what will happen to either the facilities or the employees when these units close. For folks working at these units, as for many of us, these are uncertain times.

The choice not to accelerate closures at WTSS or Victory Field may be an indication that the 5% cuts the Governor called for before the primary won't be as well received by state legislators going forward. These cuts were low hanging fruit, closing facilities that will shut down in four months, anyway. That makes me wonder if we'll see any early cuts at all during the interim, or if LBB will wait for the next budget process to make up what are predicted to be sizable gaps?

Thursday, March 04, 2010

Texas CCA recognizes two more non-DNA exonerations

According to AP:

A Texas appeals court has agreed to set aside the convictions of two Dallas men wrongly imprisoned for capital murder.

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals issued a ruling Wednesday agreeing that 39-year-old Christopher Scott and 54-year-old Claude Simmons Jr. were innocent. The men were serving life sentences for the 1997 slaying of Alfonso Aguilar until their release last year.

Prosecutors say another man confessed to the crime in a sworn videotaped statement from prison and implicated an alleged accomplice, who was arrested in October and charged with capital murder.

Scott and Simmons will be eligible for compensation based on time served. Each will receive a lump sum of about $960,000, plus lifetime payments of about $80,000 a year.

Dems' demagoguery over ex-offender business owners counterproductive

Another of the Texas Democratic Party's top ten attacks against Republicans in 2010 they've identified is that the Public Utility Commission regulates businesses owned by people with criminal records. "PUC allows criminals to manage prepaid electric providers," screamed the headline to a widely circulated Democratic attack piece.

But do Democrats really believe that people with criminal records should not own small businesses? In many cases, no one will hire an ex-prisoner and starting their own business can be the best way to get back on their feet. Hell, TDCJ partners with a nonprofit called the Prison Entrepreneurship Program teaching ex-cons to start businesses when they get back to the free world. Why would Democrats discourage that? If businesses abide by state regulations and provide electricity people are paying for, who cares if the owner has been to prison? There are already way too many laws restricting what ex-offenders can do for a living.

Certainly there are legitimate issues to raise concerning electricity de-regulation and the wisdom of allowing prepaid electric providers. But that has nothing to do with anyone's criminal record; it was a regulatory decision by the state to allow prepaid providers to operate legally in the market. The real issue, as the Dallas News put it, is that "Texas utility commissioners, intent on spurring competition, have licensed prepaid electric companies even though consumer protection rules do not address their unconventional business model."

Democrats should run on improving regulations to benefit consumers instead of demagoguing about "criminal-run electric providers." That's transparently sensationalist, unconstructive rhetoric that shifts the focus away from helping consumers.

RELATED: Should Democrats attack Rick Perry over TYC?

Should Democrats attack Rick Perry over TYC?

In the aftermath of Rick Perry's trouncing of Kay Bailey Hutchison in the GOP gubernatorial primary, Emily Ramshaw and Jason Embry have been suggesting attacks on the incumbent they thought Hutchison should have waged and now think Democrat Bill White should embrace. Their comments come just as the Democratic Party has put the Texas Youth Commission scandal at the top of its hit list of things for which it intends to blame Rick Perry.

Unfortunately, looking fairly at the details of Democrats' specific complaints against Perry on the Youth Commission, they either don't quite stand up or apply equally to ranking Democrats at the Lege. Most importantly, they fail to give credit for good work done in the aftermath of the TYC scandal.

Texas' weak Governor cannot control alleged sexual abuse by guards at TYC lockups. Sexual abuse at corrections facilities, after all, regrettably isn't that uncommon. To me, it's hard to blame the Governor for not reacting to activities that were being covered up by local law enforcement. Yes, there were red flags, but until Nate Blakeslee broke the story in the Texas Observer, nobody outside of a single Texas Ranger, a small group of enablers in West Texas, and a few now-fired administrators at TYC could have possibly known the extent of the scandal.

More importantly from the perspective of this blog, focusing solely on who knew what when ignores the fact that, once the story came out, the Governor and his appointed fixer Jay Kimbrough signed off on some fairly radical reforms in reaction, most of which Democrats should support.

Under Rick Perry, the number of offenders in Texas youth prisons was slashed by more than half, starting with eliminating misdemeanants from TYC and then dramatically reducing minimum penalties for most juvenile state prisoners. That's an extraordinary record, made even more remarkable and praiseworthy because (in large part thanks to Democrat John Whitmire and others at the Lege, though Perry signed off on it), the state also expanded funding for community based programs to manage these kids closer to home. Then afterward, when critics wailed that crime was sure to skyrocket as a result of these changes, juvenile crime continued to drop.

Overall, that's a record to praise, not criticize. I had plenty of disagreements in the beginning, especially with Kimbrough's selection of a coterie of staff from the adult prison system who wanted to model reforms on TDCJ's practices. But Perry's folks also commendably changed course when those adult-prison transplants didn't work out, and throughout the process they worked productively across the aisle with Democrats in the Lege. I don't say that as a Perry apologist; I'm often critical of the Governor. It's just a fact.

Accusing one's political foe of tolerating sexual abuse against children is a tempting attack, but in reality the finger should be pointed at the individual staff who're alleged to have engaged in that behavior and local law enforcement who looked the other way. The Governor should be judged based on his public policy decisions after the news came out, and with the exception of a few key appointments, I doubt that Bill White would have reacted to the scandal any differently.

Right now, going forward, the last thing TYC needs is to become a political football in the Governor's race based on unfair, overhyped allegations that ignore both the truth and the best interests of incarcerated youth. Please find another issue, Mr. White.

Wednesday, March 03, 2010

Emu Payback?

Via AP, yesterday:
A mad emu gave deputies a Texas-sized hard time. El Paso authorities say the big bird was running loose Tuesday, snarling rush-hour traffic near Interstate 10 and attacking deputies trying to restrain it. Deputies with the El Paso County Sheriff's Office tried to prevent the tall, flightless bird from running into traffic. But when deputies neared the emu, it became aggressive and slashed one deputy's pant leg.

The deputy was not seriously injured.

The emu died as it was being transported to an animal control shelter. The cause of death was not immediately known.

Hmmmm ... Publicly attacking Sheriff's deputies then mysteriously dying during transport on the way to the hoosgow. Except for the emu part, the story sounds eerily familiar. Payback's a bitch, I guess, even for flightless birds. ;)

Just kidding, folks: I have no knowledge of the incident beyond these few lines and am NOT accusing deputies of intentionally killing the animal. But it sure must have been quite a scene.


BONUS EMU STORY: Part of why this struck me as humorous and blogworthy, I suppose, stems from a seldom-told tale about an up close and personal encounter with an emu I had nearly 20 years ago, back when I was a cub reporter working for The Texas Observer. I was down in South Texas working on a story, in Willacy County, to be exact, and the raggedy-ass Dodge pickup I owned at the time blew a tire on the lonely, little-traveled stretch of road between Raymondville and Port Mansfield, a small fishing village across from the northern end of Padre Island. I pulled over into the ditch off the narrow, two-lane road, pulled the jack from behind the pickup seat and proceeded around to the back, passenger-side tire which had hit a nail and blown out.

In that big ol' Dodge truck, there wasn't much space between the road and the fenceline where I'd pulled over, but I paid little attention to what I assumed was a cow pasture behind me. There was plenty of space to work. So I crouched down to turn my attention toward the blown tire, and no sooner had I begun to place the jack, I was bitten sharply, twice in succession, bang, bang, really hard in the arm and the shoulder, with a loud squawk following each of the rapid-fire attacks. Stunned and confused, I turned and rose just in time to see an image much like the photo above headed straight toward my face as the emu (one of a pack now gathered behind the fence) fired his long neck forward again, this time biting the side of my face and drawing blood.

I stumbled away in near-disbelief. After I regained my composure, I tried warily to return to the tire changing task, but the fence was way too close and the bird(s) were, for whatever reason, openly hostile and threatening. It just wasn't going to happen. I finally dodged in, risking but avoiding another nip from the bird to grab the jack and tire iron, but in avoiding the nip I lost my hat - just a cheap gimme cap from some long-forgotten vendor, which now lay right next to the fenceline where the flock of menacing birds were stationed. I looked for a moment at my hat, looked back at the birds, resigned myself to their victory, then climbed into the driver's seat of the truck to make a U-turn, blown tire and all, to the other side of the road. I fixed the flat there, with the angry flock of emu staring me down the whole time from across the way. Never did retrieve that cap.

I've thought ever since then that emu might make for a nice pair of boots one day.

Like I said, payback is a bitch.

On the limits of surveillance cameras for crime reduction

Security guru Bruce Schneier had a recent column for CNN on the limits of security benefits from surveillance cameras in public spaces. It covers much ground traversed on Grits in the past, but states (and sources) the arguments especially well. Here's a taste:

Pervasive security cameras don't substantially reduce crime. This fact has been demonstrated repeatedly: in San Francisco public housing, in a New York apartment complex, in Philadelphia, in Washington, DC, in study after study in both the U.S. and the U.K. Nor are they instrumental in solving many crimes after the fact.

There are exceptions, of course, and proponents of cameras can always cherry-pick examples to bolster their argument. These success stories are what convince us; our brains are wired to respond more strongly to anecdotes than to data. But the data is clear: CCTV cameras have minimal value in the fight against crime.

While it's comforting to imagine vigilant police monitoring every camera, the truth is very different, for a variety of reasons: technological limitations of cameras, organizational limitations of police, and the adaptive abilities of criminals. No one looks at most CCTV footage until well after a crime is committed. And when the police do look at the recordings, it's very common for them to be unable to identify suspects. Criminals don't often stare helpfully at the lens, and -- unlike the Dubai assassins -- tend to wear sunglasses and hats. Cameras break far too often. Even when they afford quick identification -- think of the footage of the 9/11 terrorists going through airport security, or the 7/7 London transport bombers just before the bombs exploded -- police are often able to identify those suspects even without the cameras. Cameras afford a false sense of security, encouraging laziness when we need police to be vigilant. ...

But the important question isn't whether cameras solve past crime or deter future crime; it's whether they're a good use of resources. They're expensive, both in money and their Orwellian effects on privacy and civil liberties. Their inevitable misuse is another cost: police have already spied on naked women in their own homes, shared nude images, sold best-of videos, and spied on national politicians. While we might be willing to accept these downsides for a real increase in security, cameras don't provide that. Despite our predilection for preferring technological solutions over human ones, the funds now spent on CCTV cameras would be far better spent on hiring and training police officers.

Anyone interested in serious, high-end thinking about security issues, btw, should be aware of Schneier, whose blog and books have influenced my own thinking quite a bit on several subjects, including this one.

Cameras have been tested to the Nth degree in places like London, where you literally can't walk outside in most parts of the city without being captured on government surveillance. Bottom line: Cameras in public spaces don't reduce crime. They are effective in limited, well-defined circumstances: To protect specific, high-value assets, and then only when combined with other factors like adequate lighting, human monitoring of the cameras and the capability for rapid response. But for all the reasons cited by Schneier, the practice of police monitoring cameras in pubic spaces to prevent crime has in practice been more bane than boon.

See related Grits posts:

Tuesday, March 02, 2010

Divisions among Governor, legislators over airport-style security at Texas capitol entrances

Reporting on the same state senate hearing described in this Grits post last week, the Texas Tribune's Brandi Grissom today notes that Gov. Perry is not on board with the Department of Public Safety's plans to install metal detectors and x-rays at entrances to the capitol:
Gov. Rick Perry and his chosen leader of the state Department of Public Safety fundamentally disagree about how to secure the Capitol in the wake of a January shooting that rattled those who work under the dome and prompted renewed calls for stricter safety measures.

DPS Director Steve McCraw has been collaborating with legislative leaders on a security improvement plan since a gunman fired shots on the Capitol grounds Jan. 21. The plan, which will be presented to state officials later this month, includes placing X-ray machines and metal detectors at Capitol entrances. While McCraw and some state senators argue the increased protective measures are critical, Perry and others in the Legislature worry such security hurdles would make the Capitol unwelcoming to the public.

Seemingly lost in all the hoopla over metal detectors at capitol entrances are the bigger threats beyond the pink granite walls. The fellow at the capitol in January who was angry at state Sen. Dan Patrick's staffer fired off shots outside, so metal detectors would do nothing to stop that. In fact, as I pointed out in that earlier post, when crowds are heaviest in spring of odd years, metal detectors risk creating more targets for outdoor gunmen while an ocean of tourists, schoolchildren, lobbyists and staff wait to be checked by security.

Grissom also reports that "At an April 2009 hearing of the Senate Transportation and Homeland Security, a man named Clay Laird told Carona, chairman of the committee, that if he and other legislators didn’t clamp down on illegal immigration they would hear from him later at their homes." But once again, the threat of harm wasn't inside the capitol and if someone came to the senator's home, those metal detectors won't protect them. This solution does not match - and perhaps even exacerbates - the problems being described.

My own views are closest to those expressed at the end of the story by:
State Rep. Charlie Geren, R-Fort Worth, chairman of the House Administration Committee, who is working with McCraw and other legislators on the security plan, [who] said they hope to agree on and implement new safety measures before the start of the 2011 legislative session. Geren said he’s not sold on the idea of X-ray machines and metal detectors, either. Nothing lawmakers do inside the Capitol, he said, is going to keep “some idiot” from shooting his gun outside the building. “No matter what we do, we can’t stop a stupid guy from being stupid,” Geren said. “You can’t legislate stupidity.”
UPDATE: Steven Polunsky, who is committee director for the Senate Transportation and Homeland Security Committee, asked if I'd publish this addendum reacting to this post:
1. True, the recent shooter fired his weapon outside the Capitol. But, he had it on him when he was in Senator Patrick's office.

2. True, the threat our Committee members received was verbally about their homes, but that is not the issue. The salient point is that the witness clearly threatened the members, and a witness willing to do that who is sitting a few feet away from the panel has all it takes - motive, opportunity, and means. Also, the hearing was in the Extension.

I think you may have a good argument about lines forming outside the Capitol, but your attempt to reduce the nature of the threat inside the Capitol is off.
My reaction: First, I appreciate Mr. Polunsky's response. However, anyone can spin out hypotheticals, but all this security theater being suggested was spurred by specific threats that wouldn't have been deterred by metal detectors, which can't stop gunmen firing of a weapon outside the building or seeking out legislators at their homes. It doesn't minimize possible threats inside the capitol (which is already larded with armed troopers) to point out that all the examples being used to justify more invasive capitol security wouldn't have been prevented by the measures proposed.

Central Unit trusty broke out of, and back into, prison 70 times for shopping trips

More detail from Mike Ward at the Statesman on what's apparently a chronic problems with prisonsers walking off the Central Unit in Sugarland to shop at a nearby Walmart (you can't make this stuff up):

Prison officials never knew he was gone.

And after they were tipped to the late-night trip, officials confirmed Monday, they had to verify the escape by viewing the store's surveillance camera system — which was much better than the one the prison has.

Authorities said they were investigating reports that Skyler Steddum, 19, might have made as many as 70 such shopping trips from Sugar Land's Central Unit, where he was a trusty in a part of the prison without fences.

It was the latest security breach in Texas prisons since officials promised improved security 16 months ago, after a death-row convict used a smuggled cell phone to call a state senator.

"He went out on Tuesday. We didn't find out about it until Friday night, when somebody inside the prison snitched him off," said John Moriarty, inspector general for the Texas Department of Criminal Justice, who is overseeing the investigation. "He bought smokeless tobacco and cigarettes. I don't know how much."

This incident provides a security rationale for arguing the Central Unit should be closed, in addition to the economic ones I've discussed in the past.

Breaking out and back into prison 70 times - that's got to approach some kind of record

Funding for research needed as much as oversight to validate forensic sciences

Calling for "oversight" can improve public confidence in the short term, but it's not a panacea for every public policy mess. Sometimes instead, or at least in addition, government actually must focus resources to solve a problem instead of merely "monitor" the continuing failure of existing public policies.

That's why I've come to think some of the solutions championed by reformers aimed at reducing forensic errors, including many folks I've worked with, and whose opinions I respect, somewhat conveniently ignore the depth of the crisis of credibility exposed by the National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences, and simply don't go far enough. As an example, John Terzano from the Justice Project has a column at Fire Dog Lake titled "Meaningful Oversight Necessary for Forensic Science" which essentially champions adding layers of bureaucracy for "oversight" and "accreditation" at crime labs "to ensure the objectivity and reliability of forensic science." He concludes:
the integrity of forensic evidence is too important to outsource oversight and quality standards entirely to professional trade organizations. Accreditation and professional certification are important first steps, but the responsibility for setting and ensuring quality standards, objectivity and independence ultimately resides with the state itself. A full solution will need to include more structural reform.

One of these crucial steps is the creation of an independent oversight commission, staffed and funded to more closely supervise the work of forensic labs. This type of commission could set statewide quality standards that could build on the baseline afforded by professional associations, and could provide more rigorous, ongoing oversight to ensure that labs actually operate in a way that is consistent with the standards that exist on paper. Shifting forensic labs out from under the control of law enforcement agencies would address the subtle biases that can emerge when forensic workers see themselves on the law enforcement "team" instead of dispassionate and objective scientists. These safeguards and others are outlined in The Justice Project’s policy review Improving the Practices and Use of Forensic Science, and will help to ensure the objectivity and reliability of forensic testing and analysis.

Reliable forensic science is vital, and by making sure that the evidence is objective and valid, we will have a more efficient criminal justice system. Fixing these problems on the front end will reduce the chances that the state will have to spend more money and resources to correct the mistakes and injustices caused by forensic errors. At a time when California, along with the rest of the nation, is dealing with financial restraints, it is all the more imperative that legislators in all states make these improvements a priority. Forensic science can be a powerful tool, and meaningful structural reform is the only way to ensure that the best science is used in our courts.

Unfortunately, according to the NAS report, much so-called "forensic science" isn't really science-based at all but relies on subjective comparisons by people that have higher error rates than had been heretofore acknowledged.

Ironically, the issue came to light because of the development of DNA testing technology, which really an identify an individual to a scientific certainty (though there are still questions about how many points should be "matched" to get a completely reliable result). DNA testing technology was the result of years of rigorous research relying on the scientific method. With few exceptions (including the qualified exception of identifying controlled substances), that's not true of much of what goes on at the crime lab.

By comparison, many traditionally accepted forensic discipines such as fingerprints, handwriting analysis, toolmark comparisons, polygraph examination, tire-print matching, dog-scent lineups, and until recently, arson investigations, may really have no scientific basis at all because they were developed by cops, not scientists, and either have not been subjected to rigorous testing or in some cases (as with the polygraph and debunked arson theories) did not withstand it. These investigative methods have been used for years but remain essentially untested and in most cases courts don't even know their error rates. Maybe they work well, maybe they don't, but they've never been independently tested using the scientific method so nobody really knows.

In that context, what's to oversee? Perhaps some labs are sloppy. Maybe some are corrupt. Maybe some don't follow best practices. Maybe some need more independence from investigators. Maybe some have one or two bad apples who intentionally skew results. Certainly regulation could help with those problems.

But none of that changes the fact that some of the subjective comparison work done at crime labs has unacceptably high error rates. Some of it even qualifies as "junk science," even if courts over the years have held them to be reliable. No amount of oversight, however well-intentioned, can fix that problem, any more than "oversight" could ensure the quality of work by a voodoo priestess.

The missing component here is that verifiable, peer-reviewed scientific research actually needs to be performed on the validity of long-used forensic techniques, which eventually must be either validated or discarded. That's the stark reality facing forensic science today: It's a field surrounded by more questions about its validity than mere oversight can fix.

The hitch: if research must be performed, it must be funded, and nobody wants to talk about spending more research dollars when budget times are tight. In a recent roundup, I'd quoted a story from the nation's largest forensic science conference in Seattle, whose focus much more than Terzano was on the dearth of funding to rectify the research vacuum:

"The theme of this meeting is 'Putting our house in order,' " said Thomas Bohan, the physicist-turned-forensics-expert who leads the 6,000-member organization.

A National Academy of Sciences (NAS) panel concluded last year that analysis of bite marks, blood spatters, handwriting and even fingerprints is not backed by the type of rigorous evidence that is standard in other scientific disciplines.

"The dominant message here ... is that the emperor really doesn't have all his clothes on," said Donald Kennedy, former president of Stanford University and an organizer of the NAS review.

Bohan said most forensic scientists have taken that message to heart.

The White House Office of Science and Technology Policy established a forensic-science subcommittee, and legislation will be introduced in Congress next month to bolster research and oversight of crime labs. But Bohan is impatient for progress.

"Everybody is talking about what to do," he said.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) is beginning to fund fundamental research in several areas, including ballistics and fire-debris analysis, said Michael Sheppo, leader of the forensic sciences at DOJ's research arm.

One project will seek to determine the error rate in fingerprint analysis — an area where law-enforcement experts had long insisted their record was perfect.

"That's a statement no scientist could accept," said Paul Giannelli, a legal-forensics expert at Case Western Reserve University School of Law.

Federal funding would be great, and I'm fairly confident it will come, eventually, though it hasn't been an Obama Administration priority. In reality, though, this isn't just a problem for the Department of Justice but for every level of government that relies on or operates crime labs, which is all of them involved with the justice system. Arguably, every crime lab should have their own research budget to evaluate their own work as they go. The task will require years-long commitment from state governments, the nonprofit sector, and in some cases even international cooperation through the UN and other multinational institutions. And it will not be completed tomorrow, or next year, or even five years from now, but really amounts to a gaping hole in scientific knowledge.

In particular, the Texas Department of Public Safety's crime lab system is large enough - and law enforcement relies upon it so heavily - that the state of Texas should fund independent, university-level research of its own accord. There's no excuse for waiting on the feds to make sure that our own state's crime-lab work is unimpeachably valid.

Outside of needed but unlikely legislative appropriations, the most obvious source of resources for this may be federal grants administered through the Governor's office. The state receives only one federal grant - $779,670 from the Coverdell grant program - that's specifically devoted to forensic science. But the Governor has access to other large pots of money that could also be spent on crime labs if his office chose to do so.

In the recent past, those monies have gone by the millions for the TDEX database, which is Texas' mega-database version of "total information awareness," for useless webcams along the border and for grants to border sheriffs that are mostly used to pay patrol officers overtime. But in the wake of the NAS report, the Governor's Criminal Justice Division would be wise going forward to shift a large chunk of that funding toward basic research in the forensic sciences.

Indeed, as with every crisis there is also an opportunity here. The NAS report set off what will inevitably become a once-in-a-generation reevaluation of forensic science, an Herculean task which will in all likelihood take a decade or two to fully flesh out. This research will be the subject of both federal and private grants and it'd be great if some Texas institution were to position itself as a leader on the subject, a development that would be much more likely if the Governor's Criminal Justice Division agreed to collaborate with other funding partners to leverage such an institute's startup.

That research could happen at some UT or A&M branch, or perhaps even represents an opportunity for smaller, corrections-oriented Sam Houston State, if they chose to seize it. A university which assembled the talent and expertise to vet forensics using verifiable, peer-reviewed methods would both perform the whole justice system a great service, set itself up for a seemingly inevitable spike in research funding in the area, and make a name for itself internationally in a critically important, cutting edge field.

Oversight is important and I don't want to diminish the need for greater regulation and more well-defined, evidence-based standards in forensic disciplines. But it can't substitute for actually knowing thanks to research and evidence that the methods overseen are actually valid in the first place.

Monday, March 01, 2010

Defendant: 'I plead guilty'; Prosecutor: 'We're going to trial'

If a defendant pleads guilty to all charges without a plea bargain, leaving their sentence entirely to the court, why would a prosecutor ever demand a jury trial?

Bill Baumbach at the Collin County Observer describes a case from his neck of the woods where prosecutors have done precisely that, refusing to accept a guilty plea to insist that the defendant be taken to trial instead. Texas 5th Court of Appeals said prosecutors are not required to accept a guilty plea. Baumbach writes:

Picture this -- a man is arrested for let's say burglary and is brought before a judge who asks him if he understands the charges. "Yes, your honor and I want to plead guilty", replies the accused.

But then the District Attorney jumps up with, "We object. The people demand a jury trial".

"But I'm guilty. I did it and I'll accept my sentence.", replies the accused. "No matter, the State demands a jury trial, and we will have one", the prosecutor declares.

In Texas and especially in Collin County this actually happens. The judge is then forced to send out jury summons to 100 or more citizens, who take time off of work to come to court. A jury is chosen, sworn in and seated. The man is brought back into court and once again says, "your honor, I plead guilty, and I ask that you, the judge, set punishment." The Jury is sent home, and the man sentenced.

Not a very efficient way to run a court, is it?

Last week, in a Collin County case, the Texas 5th Court of Appeals overturned a visiting judge who refused to allow the DA to force a jury trial, when the defendant asked to plead guilty.

In an excellent earlier post, Baumbach suggested an array of possible motives for why prosecutors might do such thing (and perhaps prosecutors reading this blog can suggest others he missed). The judge believed the motive was forum shopping so a different judge would sentence the defendant:

There are several possible reasons. One is exactly what Judge McCraw was charging. That the District Attorney wants to control which judge sets punishment. In Blackburn's case, Judge McCraw, after accepting the guilty pleas, would then set a date for a punishment hearing. The judge at that punishment hearing, and the one who would set punishment, would be Judge Jill Willis. (A jury trial date had already been set - the trial would have been heard by the visiting judge).

So McCraw was accusing the DA of not wanting Judge Willis to determine the punishment. And he was accusing the DA's office of wasting county money, and jurors' time to do so.

The Collin County Observer has talked with several local defense attorneys. They all told the Observer they believe that the Collin County District Attorney does not want certain judges to set punishment. One of those judges is the newly appointed Judge Willis.

Another possible reason for the DA to refuse to permit a bench trial is rooted in the policies of the Collin County District Attorney's office. Sources who know the system have told the Observer that in this county, a prosecutor's performance is rated primarily by one metric -- the percentage of jury trials resulting in a guilty verdict. Any prosecutor who does not maintain at least a passing average, will not be employed by the county for long. Promotions and raises are all largely based on this win percentage of jury trials.

Prosecutors therefore have an incentive to plea bargain the difficult to prove cases and to take to a jury the slam dunk, easy cases -- even if the trial is just a 'sham'.

Earlier this year, Harris County floated an idea that would be another reason for the State to object to a jury trial waiver - they wanted new, young prosecutors to get more trial experience. They wanted to force defendants to go before a jury so that the States attorney could practice on easy cases. That idea was finally shot down after a howl of protests from the defense bar.

In the Blackburn case, Judge McCraw made his opinion clear. At one point he told Mr. Rolater, "I think we ought to clarify it for the appellate court. As I say, if they want to be involved in forum shopping, fine. Let them do it.... I think the Constitution of the United States allows an individual to enter a plea to the duly appointed judge. That's all I've attempted to do here."

I can't think of many reasons beyond those to explain this particular exercise of prosecutorial discretion, and even they're slim reeds to justify such a pointless, extravagant waste of jurors' time, not to mention court and jail resources. The DA should plead the cases before the judges elected to hear them, not manipulate the process to get the judge they want, nor waste the court's time in search of notches on trial lawyers' belt or training baby prosecutors.

I'm sure nobody keeps statistics on how often prosecutors refuse guilty pleas to the charges grand juries bring, but if the courts find no legal requirement that prosecutors accept a guilty plea, perhaps the Legislature should create one.

MORE: See a related string from the user forum of the Texas District and County Attorneys Association on the question of forcing jury trials when a defendant has pled guilty to all charges. Thanks to Jaime Spencer for dredging it up.

Which prison units should Texas close? Private contracts, security concerns may factor in

After Nicole at Texas Prison Bidness suggested private prison contracts might end up on the chopping block in light of Texas' massive budget shortfall predicted by the next legislative session, I asked the Department of Criminal Justice which private prison contracts will be up in the coming year. Here's the list:



A couple of notable contracts stand out as potential candidates for cuts.

For starters, the Mineral Wells facility was the one unit state Senate Criminal Justice Committee Chairman John Whitmire is interested in closing, and for security reasons, not because of the budget. The contract for that troubled facility ends conveniently around a month after the next legislative session starts, meaning there's a lot of time for budget pressures to build between now and then. What's more, the Board of Pardons and Parole hasn't really been using the Mineral Wells facility the way it was intended, so there's no special reason to keep it opened compared to, say, Intermediate Sanctions Facilities on the list.

Equally interesting to me is the fact that the Dawson State Jail's contract with Corrections Corporation of America is up for renewal next January. This ill-placed facility is located in downtown Dallas on the banks of the Trinity River in prime real estate the city hopes to redevelop. So the fact that Dawson's contract ends on January 15, 2011 is a significant date for the city of Dallas: If the state renews the contract, the proposed riverfront redevelopment could be put on hold indefinitely.

It's possible, then, we may see members of the Dallas delegation and related development interests pushing for non-renewal, though certainly CCA will have its own lobbyists on the other side.

Finally, since we're discussing factors that might make prison closures likely, the Central Unit in Sugarland had a security breach over the weekend resulting in a lockdown after an inmate walked off the unit to get a pack of cigarettes at a nearby convenience store before returning to the facility. The unit was already on the short list of TDCJ facilities plagued with contraband, and this incident perhaps demonstrates why! (MORE: From Click2Houston, "Prison inmate leaves, goes to Walmart")

Regular readers will recall that the local Chamber of Commerce crowd wants the Central Unit moved because it's in the way of development surrounding a regional airport, and the General Land Office has said a prison is not the highest, best use of the property. Now we can add security concerns to the list of arguments for closing the century-old prison farm.

TDCJ so far has punted on suggesting priorities for prison closures, suggesting instead that the state either exempt it from cuts or slash treatment, diversion and anti-recidivism programs that would quickly fill all the units back to capacity. But legislators are discussing the idea whether TDCJ likes it or not. Once required cuts get into nine-figure levels, the temptation will be great to close older, less secure units or those in the way of regional development interests. The only other option is to cut community supervision investments which have saved the state hundreds of millions in projected new prison spending, and I doubt state officials will completely absolve TDCJ from any cuts at all.

'Seat belts for thee but not for me'; Unbuckled police pay with their lives

Nationwide, about 40% of police officers killed in auto accidents on the job weren't wearing their seatbelts, according to an excellent story by Moises Mendoza at the Houston Chronicle ("Unbuckled but unbowed," March 1). What's more, because of conservative data definitions used by the paper, the 40% number significantly "undercounts the number of officers killed while unbuckled." Reports Mendoza:
It's impossible to know how many of those officers could have been saved if they had buckled up, although one study says officers were nearly three times more likely to die in car crashes with their belts off.

But officers and administrators say police culture can sometimes discourage their use.

Some officers worry that their belts could hinder them if they have to exit quickly to confront a suspect — a seat belt can easily get tangled on a holster. Others fret they'll be unable to control violent prisoners while buckled up.

Police-related Internet forums offer tricks for disabling seat belt alarms and for avoiding supervisors who monitor belt usage by officers on patrol.

“The average police officer thinks most cops get killed by felons, and that's not true. Cops are getting killed in traffic accidents,” said Richard Ashton, who studies traffic safety for the International Association of Chiefs of Police. “Officers don't think it can happen to them.”

During the past three years, 16 Texas police officers were shot to death, but 18 died in car and motorcycle crashes.
Overall, more than 2/3 of Texas police officer deaths on the job stem from traffic accidents, a state senate committee was told last year. (The other major cause of officer deaths is suicide - a total which dwarfs the number of traffic accidents and shootings combined.)

In addition to putting officers' lives at risk, police failing to use their seatbelts undermines their credibility with the public. This widespread acceptance among law enforcement of colleagues who flaunt the law on seatbelt use appears hypocritical in this age of "click it or ticket" media campaigns.

Officers told Mendoza they had good reasons for not using a seatbelt, but civilian drivers can make excuses too and that won't get them out of a ticket. Instead, the real reason so many cops don't use seatbelts is simple: They know other cops, including their supervisors, not only won't call them on it but will make excuses to the media if they're ever criticized for the practice. The attitude seems to be "seat belts for thee but not for me."

Timothy Cole pardon recommended: How many more false convictions are out there?

The Texas Board of Pardons and Parole has recommended a pardon for Timothy Cole, who died in prison of an asthma attack before DNA could prove he was innocent of the rape for which he was falsely convicted. Reports the Fort Worth Star-Telegram:

It would be the state's first posthumous pardon, and [Governor Rick] Perry has indicated that he would sign an order clearing Cole's name if recommended by the board.

"Gov. Perry looks forward to pardoning Tim Cole pending the receipt of a positive recommendation from the Board of Pardons and Paroles," Perry spokeswoman Allison Castle wrote in an e-mail to The Associated Press on Saturday.

Cory Session, who has been fighting to clear his brother's name for years, said he anticipates that the governor will sign Cole's pardon in March during a ceremony in Fort Worth.

"To say that the wheels of justice turn slowly would be an understatement," Session said Saturday.

"The question is: How many more Tim Coles are out there?"

Excellent question, Cory. Keep asking it!

In partial response to Session's query, Dave Mann at the Texas Observer published a column last week titled "Who gets wrongly convicted and why?," in which he broke down the causes of wrongful convictions among the first 250 DNA exonerations in the United States. (Timothy Cole is not on that list of 250 because his pardon hasn't been finally approved, but he'll be added to it soon.)

In many cases, Mann points out, more than one single error contributed to the erroneous outcome. For example, 78% of cases involved faulty eyewitness identification, but in 38% of cases, two or more witnesses made false identifications that DNA later disproved. Just over half of cases - obviously including many with faulty eyewitnesses - also included forensic errors, and just over a quarter involved false confessions.

Remarkably, seventeen DNA exonerees were released from death row, leading Mann to suggest:

That’s 17 innocent people who would have been executed had DNA testing not cleared them. You have to assume there's been an innocent person somewhere who wasn’t lucky enough to have testable DNA in their case and was wrongly executed in this country—quite possibly in Texas and quite possibly Cameron Todd Willingham.
That's an excellent point about those innocent prisoners "lucky enough to have testable DNA in their case." For a variety of reasons, DNA evidence is usually unavailable. Biological evidence only exists in 10% or less of violent crime cases, meaning that DNA would be unavailable clear innocents in the other 90% of death row inmates and others convicted of violent crimes. It seems nearly inconceivable that the error rate for the other 90% would be any lower than that for those where police happened to collect DNA at the crime scene.

Further expanding the possible number of additional, unidentified innocent prisoners out there, even when biological evidence was gathered, most jurisdictions did not keep DNA from older cases and the lion's share of exonerations (certainly in Texas) come from before DNA testing was widely available.

Even more frustrating, when jurisdictions do find batches of old evidence - as in Bexar County where the San Antonio PD found more than 5,000 untested rape kits languishing in storage - they frequently choose to test only for guilt, but do nothing to identify possible innocence cases. In Dallas, after his predecessor fought DNA testing tooth and nail, District Attorney Craig Watkins famously partnered with the Innocence Project of Texas to vet old cases after they found a similar DNA cache, a move which has afforded him national acclaim. But in Bexar County, DA Susan Reed has so far refused to follow his lead.

To honor the memory of Timothy Cole and the other 250 DNA exonerees - who Mann notes collectively spent 3,160 years in prison for crimes they didn't commit - Reed should insist on vetting cases with recently discovered DNA evidence to search for the innocent as well as the guilty. So far, the San Antonio Police Department is going through the cases looking only for evidence in unsolved stranger rapes. But if prosecutors do the work, they'll have an obligation which the police do not to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence to the defense. That's why the DA, not the cops, should take the lead.

Though Reed is a Republican and Watkins a Democrat, this is not a partisan issue in any way, shape or form. (That said, if the DA remains recalcitrant, she has a Democratic challenger in the fall so I suppose it could become one.) Instead, it's a question of whether the DA will abide by the fundamental tenet of her office: To seek justice, not just convictions. Timothy Cole's memory, much less the sacrifice of thousands of years by those 250 innocent men, demands that the justice system take responsibility for its errors and not sweep them under the rug.