Showing posts with label court costs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label court costs. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 21, 2018

Texans think justice system skewed against poor, support end to debtors-prison practices

Stagnant wages and empathy for economic struggles, combined with questions of pragmatism, have caused debtors-prison reform to emerge as a sleeper-hit with the public, judging from recent public-opinion assessments.

Yesterday, Grits cited a new poll which found that "81 percent of Texas registered voters believe the wealthy enjoy substantially better outcomes in the criminal justice than poor and working-class people." That's an overwhelming majority who believe that poor folks aren't treated fairly in the system.

These findings corroborate sentiments documented in a recent statewide survey conducted by the Texas Office of Court Administration:
  • Only one third (33%) agree that the average person can afford court costs and filing fees.
  • Slightly less than 3 in 10 (29%) agree that Texas courts treat people alike regardless of socio-economic status.
  • Two thirds (66%) disapprove of jailing people who owe court costs and filing fees when they cannot afford to pay.
So Texans think average people can't pay court costs, poor people are discriminated against, and the government should stop jailing people who can't pay debt to municipal courts.

Moreover, skewing government priorities toward debt collection has negative implications for public safety. For example, we know that cities that rely heavily on ticket revenue tend to have lower clearance rates on more serious crimes.

It's easy to see why the public thinks justice debt is such a big problem for low-income individuals. Earlier this year, the Federal Reserve estimated that 40 percent of Americans could not pay a surprise $400 bill without borrowing or going into debt. It's easy for municipal-court debt to exceed that amount. And many people owe more than that in delinquent Driver-Responsibility surcharges.

That's why, earlier this year, both Texas state political parties added platform planks advocating to stop jailing people for unpaid traffic ticket debt, instead sending unpaid bills to commercial collections. Roughly half-a-million people sat out traffic ticket debt in jail last year statewide, so that change would help out a lot of folks.

Clearly from these survey data, most Texans believe that jailing people for muni-court debt unfairly harms the poor and needs to stop. We'll find out over the next six months whether the Legislature will embrace this emerging, surprisingly popular view.

Friday, March 02, 2018

More unconstitutional court fees defenestrated

On Twitter, the Texas District and County Attorneys Association mocked a defendant represented by the Harris County Public Defender for winning a court-fee reduction of about $13. And if that's all there were to it, they'd be right to criticize the court for wasting its time.

But in reality (which in general lies FAR away from the TDCAA twitter feed), the Court of Criminal Appeals overturned a lower court's finding, holding that portions of the "consolidated court cost relating to 'law enforcement officers standards and education,' 'comprehensive rehabilitation,' and 'abused children’s counseling' were all facially unconstitutional" and couldn't be applied to anyone. To boot, the 8-1 margin means the ruling is unlikely to change if one or even two judges are replaced during this election cycle.

So sure, if we were just talking about one defendant getting $13 back, it might be a small thing. But reducing all consolidated court costs by about 10 percent and eliminating those specific funding streams? That's a big deal no matter how much snark and disdain arises from prosecutors.

Jani Maselli-Wood, a former Republican CCA candidate who works at the Harris County Public Defender Office, has been knocking down these unconstitutional fees one by one after they were exposed in a legislatively mandated report written by her husband, Ted Wood, when he was at the Office of Court Administration.

TDCAA sees that marital link as evidence of conspiracy, but if eight members of the CCA including three of the four members of the Government-Always-Wins faction, agreed the fees are unconstitutional (Grits is now counting Yeary in that GAW cohort), it seems to me any conspiracy was a good thing. Why would prosecutors or anyone else think it's a good idea to keep unconstitutional laws on the books?

Thursday, March 30, 2017

Three good bills in CrimJur committee Monday

Looking at the agenda for Monday's Texas House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee, here are three items which merit Grits readers attention. (Not that there aren't other important bills up that day, these just jumped out at me as particularly noteworthy.)

First, the big innocence-related bill of the year:

HB 34 (Smithee) Relating to measures to prevent wrongful convictions. This bill came out of the Timothy Cole Exoneration Review Commission recommendations and is being carried by that group's chair. It requires tracking and disclosure of confidential informant arrangements, recording of custodial interrogations, and requires law enforcement agencies to adopt the model eyewitness ID policy created by Sam Houston State's Law Enforcement Management Institute of Texas (LEMIT) instead of each coming up with their own. These are modest but important reforms, the most obvious next steps in the Legislature's decade-long, bipartisan effort to prevent false convictions.

Grits is also a big fan of another bill on the agenda Monday, HB 1465 (Moody) which tells judges to waive court costs if they determine a defendant is indigent. This makes loads of sense. If they're indigent, after all, they cannot pay.

One passing thought, though: On the House floor, Rep. Andrew Murr included an amendment to HB 351 (Canales), which earlier passed out of the same committee, to say courts could charge a "reasonable" fee if they assign an indigent person community service. Language in those two bills may need to be reconciled if both make it all the way through the process.

Finally, this blog doesn't generally follow capital issues, but I'm interested in HB 3054 by Herrero/Smithee requiring unanimity changing faulty jury instructions for imposing the death penalty in capital cases and allowing lawyers to inform the jury of the implications if they can't agree. (Presently, that's not allowed.) As it happens, yesterday Grits met a gentleman who announced he's from the "Fully Informed Jury Association." He was a conservative at the capitol for the asset-forfeiture subcommittee hearing. I know next to nothing about his group, much less if they're even aware of HB 3054, but it's almost like informing jurors about the power they wield is a theme in the air this week. I'm looking forward to hearing debate on this bill Monday.

Sunday, January 08, 2017

House Corrections committee rethinking probation fees

The Texas House Corrections Committee interim report to the 84th Legislature began with a discussion of excessive fees in the criminal justice system which merits readers' attention. The committee, chaired by Republican state Rep. Jim Murphy, focused on relatively obscure aspects of the system which nonetheless are incredibly important to the people affected by them, both people who must pay and government employees who collect them. On probation, for example:
If someone is on probation, there will be a lot of fees. First, a probationer pays up to $60 a month for supervision. Depending on the crime, there will be program fees for drug education or domestic violence classes. If substance abuse is involved, there will be costs for random urinalysis tests, and perhaps an ignition interlock (for DWI cases). If you have lost your license, which happens with any drug conviction, you will have to take a class to renew that license. Once the class is completed, you will need to go to the Department of Public Safety and pay between $125 and $325 to get your license back.
Larding on court costs
The committee examined various court fees, particularly ones aimed purely at revenue generation:
The 83rd Legislature directed the Office of Court Administration to study the necessity of certain court costs and fees in the state. The report outlined several troubling trends (link added).
Many of the court fees and costs, whether deposited at the state or local level, are not dedicated fees and are simply deposited in the general fund of the state or local government. They are then appropriated at the discretion of the funding body. 
Some of these court fees and costs are used to fund programs outside of and unrelated to the judiciary. Meanwhile, court fees and costs are generally insufficient to cover the cost of funding the judiciary at the local government level, with expenditures for the judiciary oftentimes far surpassing collected revenues for court fees and costs.  
There are hundreds of these fees, with a few dozen of them ending up in state coffers. 
The best known Texas court fees are "consolidated court costs," which run:
Up to $133 for felonies, $83 for misdemeanors, $40 for nonjailable misdemeanor offenses. Ninety percent of collected funding goes to the state for 14 purposes, including; crime stoppers assistance, abused children's counseling, law enforcement and custodial officer supplemental retirement fund, judicial and court personnel training fund, and emergency radio infrastructure account
Many fees are spent in ways which have nothing to do with their ostensible purpose. A $250 DNA fee on sexual assault cases, for example, is split between general state coffers and  the highway fund, with no relationship to funding the activity for which it's named. The committee could have added that this is happening at a time when DNA labs are underfunded and strained trying to keep up which evolving science, not to mention re-testing backlogs of DNA-mixture cases that were evaluated using flawed methodologies. 

Half of the state portion of the fee for "failure to appear" goes into the general fund with no specification that it be used for purposes related to that purpose. A $15 fee paid by bail bondsmen for each surety issued contributes to the state's Fair Defense account and to supplement salaries for assistant prosecutors. (That latter element may be a big, unstated reason some district attorneys dislike bail reform.)

The report added, "There are fees for records management, for juries, for judicial support, for court security, and for indigent defense. Pages and pages of fees. It boggles the mind to read it. Think of what it must be like to live it."

Notably, the committee observed, "Ability to pay these fees often isn't determined until later in the process. When a judge sentences a person to probation, and assesses fees and costs, he or she often has no idea if that person can actually pay. That is often left to the CSCDs, whose officers help the probationer draw up a budget to help them manage their obligations." They added, "In an era when you can find out your credit score for free on the internet, would it be that difficult to determine if a person is indigent prior to appearing before a judge?" Good question!

Relationship between fees and absconding
The interim report included this insightful passage about the relationship between high probation fees and absconding:
Although it may seem simple: pay your fees, attend your programs, etc., real life isn't that way. And for those who lack life skills, real life is challenging in a way that it isn't for those of us who have resources. 
And most of us are still living precariously. An Associated Press Poll indicates that threequarters of people in households making less than $50,000 a year and two-thirds of those making between $50,000 and $100,000 would have difficulty coming up with $1,000 to cover an unexpected bill. And being arrested would definitely qualify as unexpected. 
If someone has been convicted of a minor drug offense (less than a gram of a controlled substance that is not marijuana), there are a number of studies that indicate he or she is likely unemployed and experiencing deficiencies in educational attainment. He or she probably has substance abuse and mental health issues, and could be homeless. One-third of these minor drug offenders are under the age of 25, experiencing all that one might experience in terms of low impulse control and developmental factors. 
If you have resources, you probably take them for granted. These include access to cash, orparents who can help you out with a loan; trusted friends who can give you good advice or a ride when you need one; a permanent home. You have a job, you are educated. These things help to keep you out of trouble. 
If a person without these types of resources is ordered to attend a DWI program, but has no one to drive him to the program (because license revocation is part of DWI), then there are parts of the state where there are only two choices: drive to the program without a license, or forgo the program. Either one is reason to have probation revoked. 
Situations like this can be discussed and dealt with by a probation officer, who is likely to NOT revoke your probation on this technical violation. After all, life happens. But conversations like this are stressful. And standing before a judge is scary. So those without the skills to maneuver the stress see only one option: avoid the problem. Don't show up for scheduled meetings. Unfortunately, that's called absconding, and when the probationer is finally located, he or she will be in a lot more trouble than before.
Incentives for poor 'inadvertently created modern-day debtors prisons'
The committee explicitly recognized that probation fees and obligations have become so onerous they're creating incentives for defendants to choose incarceration over community supervision, even when locking them up serves no purpose from a public safety perspective: "because those who are poor and have no resources choose jail time, we've inadvertently created a modern day debtors' prison," they concluded, adding that the problem had also reached acute stages at municipal courts over Class C misdemeanor offenses, and extending the same criticism to the bail system:
Failure to pay isn't limited to the probation system or the municipal courts. Texas county jails currently detain 40,300 inmates who are awaiting trial, representing over 62% of the entire jail population of the state. The decision about who is released and who is detained before trial is determined primarily by a person's financial resources rather than his or her risk to public safety or likelihood to return to court. The National Association of Counties has found that 60% of the confined population presents a low risk of pretrial misconduct. 
These kind of statistics add to the consensus that being imprisoned for lack of resources is the same thing as making poverty a crime. And although municipal courts and pre-trial detainees weren't officially part of this committee's charge, it is worth mentioning as part of an overall trend. And that trend also contributes to overcrowding county jails, which is mistakenly seen as being caused by state policies.  
Rethinking probation as a payment plan
They concluded that the state should assume more of probation costs, allow more defendants to earn early release from probation through good behavior, and eliminate as many collateral consequences as possible:
Perhaps it is time to think of probation as a payment plan. If you have been given probation for one year, fulfill all of your obligations such as classes and restitution, and discharge six months ahead of time, that's great. However, you should still owe six months of probation fees. 
Conversely, no one should be kept on probation merely because they still owe restitution. If one year of probation is up, and restitution is still owed, then a payment plan should be set up for the restitution. And since that person is no longer on probation, CSCDs should no longer be collecting that restitution. 
During testimony heard by the joint committee, it became clear that many of those convicted of a DWI face uneven sanctions. If someone convicted of a homicide goes on probation for ten years, that person can be removed from probation after a few years if they do not get into further trouble. Not so for DWIs. It makes no sense to keep a DWI on probation if they attend classes, quit drinking, and go several years without further incident. 
A federal program mandates automatic suspension of a driver's license for any drug conviction, including a small amount of marijuana. Getting a license back can cost a lot of money, and Texas has the ability to opt out of the federal program. The state should do so. 
The fee system for probation should not be done away with entirely. In fact, the upcoming session promises to be a difficult one, with agencies encouraged to start looking at possible budget reductions now. Fees have a place in probation, as those who pay for a program are more likely to attend that program. However, when jail time is chosen over probation, the fees are too burdensome. For that reason, the state should start to assume more of this cost, which would likely be less expensive than paying for unnecessary incarceration.
The state should consider allowing a CSCD to receive full state share of misdemeanor probation, but allow for non-report for minor offenses. Consideration should also be given to a system where those charged with Class B misdemeanors complete a class or perform community service rather than complete the full term of probation. This would allow CSCDs to dedicate their time and energies to people with a more intensive level of need. 
The committee posed a provocative, new-to-me idea: "If probationer fees could be collected from individuals after they have completed treatment and achieved employment and housing stability, revocation rates should be lowered." That's a useful, interesting suggestion that makes a lot of sense. However, it's also true, as this section of the report concluded, that "until the state bears a greater burden of the costs of rehabilitating people" and shifts away from regressive probation and court fees, "real reform will be difficult."

Thursday, December 10, 2015

Water outages, unreasonable court fees, pension and forensic follies, and other stories

In an ongoing effort to clear Grits' browswer tabs, here are a few items which merit readers' attention but may not make it into independent posts:

CCA 'patently unreasonable' in court costs opinion, says appellate justice
Texas First Court of Appeals Justice Terry Jennings issued a strongly worded 22-page concurrence declaring that Jani Maselli Wood was right about court fees, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals was "patently unreasonable," and the high court should revisit the issue, reported Texas Lawyer. See related Grits coverage of fee litigation by Wood, herself a candidate for CCA judge in the 2014 GOP primary. She was quoted agreeing with the opinion, declaring, "They had to change decades of law to make me lose … The courts should not be revenue centers or tax collectors for the state."

Water outage ends at two TDCJ units
Nearly 2,000 prisoners and 400 staff at two Texas women's prison units, Hobby and Marlin, were without running water from Thanksgiving until Dec. 9, according to news reports. At the Hobby unit, for a while 1,400 people shared 27 portable toilets; 732 people shared 16 portables at the Marlin unit.

New juvie diversion programs starting up
Texas counties will soon begin diverting more juvenile defendants "from problem-plagued remote, state-run lockups into less costly community-based treatment and rehabilitation programs" closer to home which "produce better outcomes," reported Mike Ward at the Houston Chronicle. The plan amounts to "giving counties additional money to take care of youths in community-based treatment and rehabilitation programs instead of sending them to state lockups." Texas has already cut its youth prison population from more than 5,000 to around 1,000 now. But the reductions will be less than were initially advertised: "The state's five juvenile lockups hold just over 1,000 youths, down from more than 5,000 in state custody just seven years ago. The new plan would mean that at least 30 more youths would stay in local programs this year and 150 more next year." At one point, estimates were that hundreds more youth may be diverted, nearly depopulating Texas youth prisons entirely. That's not quite what's happening.

Why Argue? Stop arresting for minor pot possession
Dallas Police Chief David Brown says giving tickets for marijuana possession is "hard to argue with," but frets that people busted for pot might not be as easily coerced into becoming informants, and made some inexplicable noise about Timothy McVeigh. If that's all he's got, he really shouldn't argue. The full Dallas City Council will soon consider the issue. In 2015, how is this not a no-brainer?

Explaining Texas' prison boom and slicing the incarceration pie
Grits doesn't pay enough attention to the Prison Policy Initiative, which always produces useful, interesting work. Check out this post explaining the '90s Texas prison boom and another attempting to delineate the entire "incarceration pie" - i.e., a pie chart showing all forms of incarceration in the U.S. and their relative proportions. Notably, the thesis that more restrictive parole decisions caused the dramatic 5-year boost incarceration rates also works in the other direction. Slightly boosted parole rates primarily explain why Texas' prison population lowered enough in recent years to close three prison units.

Wishful thinking won't solve Dallas pension follies
What happens if pension obligations for Dallas police officers can't be covered by their failing investments?, wonders the Dallas Observer. The money shortfall begins 15 years from now but he budget-hole is so big, they must plan for a solution now.

Accreditation won't solve forensic follies
PBS Frontline had a good story in terms of articulating the scope of the national, indeed global crisis facing many traditional fields of forensic science. But it perhaps oversells the extent to which accreditation will solve the problem. It hasn't in Texas, though along with the Forensic Science Commission it's helped make the problems more transparent.

Summary: 2015 TX juvie and crimjust legislation
See a summary published in November of Texas legislative action on juvenile and criminal justice reform from the UT-Austin Institute for Urban Policy Research and Analysis.

Thursday, January 15, 2015

'DNA record fee' deemed unconstitutional because funds hijacked for other uses

From her perch over at the Harris County Public Defender, Jani Maselli-Wood continues to peck away at the litany of court costs assessed against criminal defendants. Texas Lawyer has a report (Jan. 12) on her latest exploits:
Jani Maselli Wood, a public defender in Houston who is waging an appeals court battle over the constitutionality of court costs, recently won a favorable majority opinion knocking out two court costs levied against her client.

On Dec. 30, a panel of the First Texas Court of Appeals in Houston modified criminal convictions against Wood's client Osmin Peraza to delete a $250 "DNA record fee" from the judgments from each conviction on the ground that it is an unconstitutional tax, and also deleted a $50 "sheriff's fee" for "serving capias" because there is no basis in the record to support the charge. The court otherwise affirmed the judgment against Peraza, overruling Peraza's contention that the trial court erred when denying his motion to withdraw his guilty pleas to the two charges of aggravated sexual assault.

Wood, who joined the Harris County Public Defender's Office in 2011, was selected in 2014 as one of Texas Lawyer's Winning Women for her work challenging the constitutionality of court costs. She wants the money that criminal defendants pay in court costs to directly benefit the court system.

The First Court panel deciding Peraza v. Texas consisted of Justice Terry Jennings and former Justice Jim Sharp, who lost a reelection bid in November 2014. In a concurring and dissenting opinion, Justice Harvey Brown agreed with the majority that the trial court did not abuse its discretion in denying Peraza's motion to withdraw his guilty pleas and that the "unsupported" $50 sheriff's fee should be struck. However, Brown disagreed that the DNA record fee is unconstitutional.

Wood said she was gratified by the court's opinion on the court cost issues.

"It's the first time they have ever held it's unconstitutional under the separation of powers doctrine, that the courts are not tax collectors," Wood said. "It was the first time they've gone along with my theory that you can't fund general government with court costs."
The $250 "DNA record fee" in particular was deemed unconstitutional because the state doesn't use it for what they say they're taking it for. Instead, money from the DNA record fee is split between the state highway fund and the general fund of the "criminal justice planning account," neither of which are "necessary nor incidental to the trial of a criminal case," according to the First Court ruling.

If courts begin deciding it's unconstitutional to assess fees for one purpose and use the money for another, the entire house of cards underlying Texas' budget edifice could quickly tumble, with implications far beyond just court costs. But that's speculation; for now this is a single Court of Appeals adopting this view on two particular fees. Jani's right to celebrate the win (congratulations!) but there are lots of vested interests out there with a stake in keeping that house of cards upright. And they'll all probably take a shot at her before her victory is ever extended statewide. Things get serious quickly when you start messing with people's money.

Friday, November 14, 2014

Contractors press behind the scenes to preserve profitable contracts with Dallas justice system

A coupla stories about vendor contracts in Dallas caught my eye. At the county level, Texas Lawyer reported (Nov. 10) on Dallas County Judge Clay Jenkins' failed attempt to halt a "high profit" jail contract with Securus for provision of phone service, though he did succeed in preserving in-person visitation at the jail, at least for now.  The article closed with news that the FCC may soon end profiteering off jail phone calls:
The outcome "illustrates the incredible power" that companies like Securus have over public officials nationwide, when they offer potential revenues for local governments from jail calls, Jenkins said.

Richard A. "Rick" Smith, CEO of Securus, did not return a call for this story by press time. A press release posted Oct. 31 on the company's website states that in the past 10 years Securus "has collected and remitted to jails, prisons and state, county and local governments over $1.3 billion in the form of commissions. Commissions are collected from inmates and their family and friends on outbound telephone calls that Securus completes over its proprietary inmate calling platform. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) eliminated commission payouts on interstate long distance calls effective Feb. 11, 2014, and will likely eliminate or significantly reduce intrastate commissions early in 2015 in an effort to reduce calling rates, provide more affordable calling and reduce recidivism."

The release quotes Smith, who states: "Clearly these commission payments that have been used to fund critical inmate welfare programs and support facility operations and infrastructure have improved the lives of inmates, victims, witnesses and individuals working in the correctional environment, and helped to fund government operations. And it appears, sadly, that regime may come to an end in the not too distant future. …We have been a vocal advocate of maintaining commissions and have spent approximately $5 million in legal fees and other costs on behalf of our facility customers over the last decade to maintain commissions, but the FCC maintains that it is not good public policy to have the poorest in society help to fund government operations, even though the programs funded are worthwhile. … If commission payments are eliminated or reduced—we are advocating a transition period that will allow our facility customers to secure funding from other sources or some type of phase-in of the new rules so as not to impact our facility customers—that phase-in is important and we have discussed that with the FCC on numerous occasions."
It's a virtual certainty Dallas isn't the only county in Texas that would be forced to readjust phone contracts if the FCC says they must cease mulcting inmate families for in-state phone calls. Lots of jails have similar, profit-centered phone contracts, quite a few with Securus. (See more from the Unfair Park blog about the video visitation issue.)

Meanwhile, the Dallas City Council narrowly voted 8-7 to change contractors for court collections, reported the Dallas Morning News (Nov. 12), snubbing a vendor who'd contributed significant sums to 12 out of 15 decision makers. The article opened:
The Dallas City Council narrowly approved a staff recommendation Wednesday to hire a new company to collect delinquent municipal court fines.

In an 8-7 vote, the council awarded the contract to Municipal Services Bureau. Alone among six bidders, MSB guaranteed the city that it would collect from deadbeats — $21.9 million over three years. If collections fall short of that target, the company said, it will pay the difference out of its pocket.

Some council members wondered how MSB could make such a promise when no one else did. And some praised the work of the current collector, the law firm of Linebarger, Goggan, Blair & Sampson.
Linebarger’s bid was ranked third by the city staff. The firm, which has been in the collections business for more than 35 years, is known throughout Texas for its political connections. It has donated thousands of dollars to City Council members, including Mayor Mike Rawlings.

Of the 15 council members, 12 have received money from Linebarger. The three who have not are Jennifer Staubach Gates, Sandy Greyson and Lee Kleinman.

Those three voted to accept the staff recommendation and award the contract to MSB, as did Rawlings, Rick Callahan, Scott Griggs, Sheffie Kadane and Philip Kingston.

Opposing the MSB bid were Jerry Allen, Monica Alonzo, Tennell Atkins, Dwayne Caraway, Carolyn Davis, Vonciel Jones Hill and Adam Medrano.
One notices MSB doesn't guarantee collections for the Driver Responsibility surcharge, where around 60 percent of assessed charges go uncollected.

Thursday, May 22, 2014

High probation fees, bail as a 'poverty penalty'

Good series from NPR this week on the high cost of probation fees and laws allowing defendants to be billed for supervision costs. The series documents ways that excessive fees can hinder reentry and rehabilitation for otherwise successful probationers, imposing a "poverty penalty." See:
And speaking of a "poverty penalty," check out this item from Huffington Post, "Posting bail for the poorest of the poor," describing a charity in the Bronx that helps poor people make bail. I've never heard of anybody doing that in Texas; it's an interesting role for a nonprofit to play, don't you think?

Sunday, March 02, 2014

Official: Millions in court costs illegally collected, probations wrongly revoked, based on new CCA opinion

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals this week issued an odd and confusing opinion in a case styled Johnson v. State which was covered earlier on Grits, overturning the lower court's ruling that a defendant should not have to pay $234 in court costs because Harris County had never issued a written "bill of costs" as required under the statute.

The CCA ruled against Mr. Johnson because belatedly during the appellate process Harris County came up with a written bill of costs for this one case, though the county does not routinely produce them in other cases. The court made a hair-splitting distinction between costs that are "payable" vs. costs which are merely "assessed." Under this ruling, court costs may be "assessed" without a written bill of costs, said the court, but they are not "payable" until the defendant receives written documentation.

The CCA declared: "Article 103.001 [of the Code of Criminal Procedure] appears to act as a prohibition on the ability of designated state agents from collecting nonpayable, but assessed, court costs." So, according to this decision, a bill of costs is necessary before the government can "collect" any money from a defendant. Got it? Judges can "assess" court fees without a written bill of costs, but counties can't collect the money.

Ted Wood, the Assistant General Counsel for the Office of Court Administration (OCA), explained the implications to your correspondent thusly via email:
the collection of court costs by the government from  those defendants who have never received a bill of costs appears to be improper.  It's arguably a deprivation of property without due process of law as prohibited by the Fifth Amendment.

The same idea could apply to persons who have had their probation revoked for the nonpayment of court costs.  In the absence of a bill of costs, according to the Johnson opinion's reasoning, the probationers weren't obligated to pay the money because no government actor could collect it.  Their probation revocations by the court could be suspect.

So the CCA opinion has resulted in Mr. Manley Johnson owing the $234 assessed against him (because a bill of costs was eventually produced -- albeit late in the game).  But the repercussions could be substantial.

The bottom line is this:  If you've been ordered to pay court costs but no bill of costs has been produced, you don't owe the money. Why?  Because the government is prohibited from collecting it from you.  And if you have already paid the money in the absence of a bill of costs, the collection of the money by the government was arguably unconstitutional.
If that interpretation is accurate, Harris County may have won the battle over court costs but egregiously lost the war. Again from Mr. Wood, in response to Grits' followup questions:
The opinion is not conducive to judicial economy. Here is what we may see:
(1) Individuals in TDCJ who have never been presented with a bill of costs and who have had money withdrawn from their inmate accounts will be able to challenge the withdrawals in civil proceedings.  This is because the government was prohibited from collecting this money.

(2) Defendants who are assessed court costs (even if there is a bill of costs) will be able to challenge the assessments via "correction-of-costs" motions. See CCP, art . 103.008.  These "corrections" are to be made by "the court in which the case is pending or was last pending."  That court could be a court of appeals or even the CCA.  For example, the last court in which Johnson and Cardenas were pending is the CCA.  I wonder how the CCA will handle these motions in light of the "last pending" language. Will the CCA handle these motions itself?  Will the CCA conduct a hearing in which evidence can be introduced?  These questions were among the grounds on which the CCA granted review in Cardenas [ed. note: a companion case decided the same day as Johnson].  But then the opinion declined to address them.  

Note that the Cardenas opinion says "[c]onvicted defendants have constructive notice of mandatory court costs set by statute and the opportunity to object to the assessment of court costs against them for the first time on appeal or in a proceeding under Article 103.008 of the Texas Code of Criminal Procedure."  The Cardenas opinion goes on to say that these appeals and Article 103.008 proceedings are what satisfies a defendant's "right to due process of law" in regard "to notice and an opportunity to be heard regarding the imposition of court costs."  So what the CCA effectively did is say that there was no problem that Mr. Johnson and Mr. Cardenas were unable to challenge the court costs assessed against them in the trial court because they can always come back and challenge the costs later.  An alternative approach would have been to make sure a bill of costs exists at the time the defendant is being sentenced so as to not necessitate an entirely new level of court procedures to evaluate whether the amount of assessed court costs is correct.

(3) Defendants who had their probation revoked for non-payment of court costs and who have never received a bill of costs appear never to have owed the money. There could be legal challenges in regard to these revocations.

(4) Defendants who were ordered to pay court costs in the absence of a bill of costs and who did make their payments to government agents (who according to the Johnson opinion were prohibited from collecting the payments) may seek a civil remedy ...

While the CCA preserved the assessments of the $234 in Johnson and the $294 in Cardenas, the result seems to be that millions of dollars in court costs could now be considered to have been improperly collected.  Additionally, the case may have given rise to a real a logistical dilemma for handling of future court cost challenges.
Bottom line, said Wood, "If a person has paid court costs and there was no bill of costs, then, according to the Johnson opinion, the government was actually prohibited from collecting the costs. This would seem to even include traffic cases in the justice and municipal courts - 93% of court cost revenue comes from these Class C misdemeanor courts. So even people who have only been convicted of speeding and similar minor crimes could seek reimbursement of their court costs."

In other words, the Court of Criminal Appeals has created an enormous clusterf#%k that's almost certain to generate waves of litigation and likely will necessitate legislative intervention when the 84th session convenes in 2015. Wood believes the preferable solution would be to require a written bill of costs to be produced at the time of sentencing, comparing the process to routine consumer purchases:
I have compared the bill of costs in some of my writings to getting a receipt at the grocery store that details one's purchases. If I am charged for two gallons of milk when I only bought one, then I can point out the problem and the bill can be corrected.  If I am charged 79 cents per pound for bananas when the sale price was 39 cents per pound, I can look at my receipt and get this corrected.  What if I didn't get a receipt at the grocery store?  Then how would I even know that I had been overcharged?  Yet in our court system, when there is no bill of costs there is no way to identify an overcharge. And mistakes and overcharges are common. I have argued that the court system ought to be at least as assiduous as HEB when it comes to assessing court costs.
The OCA is presently in the process of reformulating Texas' model felony judgment forms as required under Article 42.01, Section 4 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, a process Mr. Wood is spearheading for the agency. The new forms will be finalized this spring with advice and input from a diverse stakeholder group, so we should have a clearer picture within the next few months of what impact these decisions will have on the ground. In the meantime, though, the Court of Criminal Appeals appears to have created far more problems with the Johnson decision than it resolved.

Monday, January 13, 2014

Reality, not law, barrier to charging DWI defendants for blood tests

Harris County officials want to charge defendants for the cost of blood tests used to gather evidence against them in DWI cases, reported Kiah Collier at the Houston Chronicle (Jan. 13). "Bill Murphy, spokesman for the District Clerk's office, which assesses court fees, said there do not appear to be any laws on the books allowing or disallowing the collecting of fees for blood draws or other lab tests in criminal cases." Precinct 4 Commissioner Jack Cagle suggested the Legislature should pass a new law authorizing the charge.

But the Twitter feed of the Texas District and County Attorneys Association notifies us that this is "Already in law; see CCP Art. 42.12 Sec. 11(a)(19)," and indeed, that provision authorizes judges to require defendants to "[r]eimburse a law enforcement agency for the analysis, storage, or disposal of raw materials, controlled substances, chemical precursors, drug paraphernalia, or other materials seized in connection with the offense." It does seem like "analysis" of "raw materials" and "controlled substances" would get you there.

Another solution looking for a problem.

The real issue appears to be that the Harris County DA doesn't seek reimbursement. Reported Collier:
Criminal Court-at-Law Judge Sherman Ross, presiding judge for misdemeanor courts, said he never has gotten a recommendation from prosecutors to include the cost of blood draws in restitution orders. It is not a concept he would advocate for, he said, but it "doesn't sound unreasonable" and he would consider accepting a prosecutor's recommendation, assuming the defendant could pay for it.

"I don't think anybody's interested in ordering something that's simply uncollectable," he said. "I think it's part of the cost of doing business as far as the agencies are concerned, and if there was a way to do it without diminishing our effectiveness, then I think that decision should be made by the district attorney."
Ironically, decisions by the new DA Devon Carter are driving higher costs for DWI lab testing, Collier reported:
Last April, District Attorney Devon Anderson began enforcing "no refusal" traffic stops every day.

That decision and other factors mean the county toxicology lab's case load will continue to grow, officials said.

"We pride ourselves on becoming increasingly more efficient," crime lab Director Roger Kahn said, "but there comes a point when our responsibilities begin to exceed our capability and our capacity."
The reason DWI defendants aren't charged for blood tests isn't that the law won't allow it but that, in reality, the state already soaks DWI defendants (in addition to fines, probation fees and court costs they still have to pay their Driver Responsibility Surcharge) and the juice typically isn't worth the squeeze.

Saturday, April 27, 2013

Medical examiner issues dominate early criminal justice bills sent to Perry's desk

Not too many criminal-justice related bills of significance have finally passed yet and gone to the governor but here are three senate bills that came through  the House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee then out of Calendars remarkably quickly. They've all been approved by the lower chamber and are or soon will be on their way to Rick Perry's desk for final approval or veto:

SB 336 by Rodriguez/Moody on qualifications as a medical examiner, allowing a physician certified to practice in another state and who has applied for licensure in Texas to work as a M.E. with a provisional license. I don't care that much but it reads like a post hoc justification for a hire already made.

SB 387 by Nichols/Clardy would exempt a county from participation in an otherwise mandatory collections program "if the county has a population of 50,000 or more due to the inmate population of a correctional facility within its borders." This would only effect Anderson, Cherokee, and eventually Rusk counties, according to the bill analysis. One notices inmates count when legislators want them to and not when they don't. For example, one suspects those counties don't mind disproportionate representation in the state capitol because of prisoners counted in their number.

SB 457 by Rodriguez/Márquez makes autopsy photos closed records with two exceptions, according to the bill analysis: (1) under a subpoena or authority of other law; or (2) if the photograph or x-ray is of the body of a person who died while in the custody of law enforcement.

Let's hope the Calendars Committee expedites these bills just as promptly.

All that stands between the senate bills above and becoming Texas law is the Governor's signature so anyone with a dog in one of these fights, be sure to let him know if you like 'em, love 'em, or hate 'em.

Sunday, March 10, 2013

Municipal court issues: Surcharge waivers, scofflaw programs and bills of cost

The March 2013 issue (pdf) of The Recorder, which is the newsletter of the Texas Municipal Court Education Center, contains three items (at least ) that may interest Grits readers.

A story on page one deals with the failure of Harris and many other counties to issue a "bill of costs" accompanying criminal court judgments. (See this Grits post, which was referenced in the article, along with this followup and an explanatory document published soon thereafter by the Office of Court Administration.) Many counties, apparently, have either not been issuing bills of cost or have not been doing them properly. This is a sleeper issue that Grits still suspects may balloon before too long into a Very Big Deal.

Another front-page article deals with "scofflaw" programs wherein cities seek to collect traffic fines by flagging them for the county to prevent the driver's next vehicle registration. The programs have been largely unsuccessful and counties have frequently balked, declining to endure the reduced revenue, longer lines and angrier customers for a policy that only benefits municipalities. This issue came to a head in Houston over red light camera tickets.

Then on p. 14 of the newsletter is a feature on "Court ordered waiver of surcharges for indigent defensants," detailing precisely what judges need to do to waive Driver Responsibility Surcharges under a statute passed in 2009, including a model order for judges to use. (Confusingly, but importantly, there is also an administrative indigence program at DPS through which surcharges may be reduced, but not entirely waived.) If you're a Texas judge or defense attorney who deals with surcharges, IMO it'd border on legal malpractice not to familiarize yourself with the program and to help indigent defendants avail themselves of it.

Grits won't besmirch this beautiful afternoon by spending time summarizing each of these items but anyone interested in those particular topics will want to read the related articles.

Thursday, October 25, 2012

Harris Public Defender: Habeas writs possible over improperly seized commissary funds after court-cost ruling

Harris County Public Defender Alex Bunin commented in response to Grits' item yesterday on court cost litigation at Texas' 14th Court of Appeals, predicting that "counties (not just Harris) will be hard pressed to recreate a proper bill of costs for the prisoners who are having their commissary funds siphoned off for unproven fees. I expect some will file writs since the court of appeals said the issue is not waived for failure to object in the trial court."

Interesting. So as I understand that, TDCJ prisoners from Harris County (or other counties that don't produce a "bill of cost") may be able to file habeas corpus writs if they had commissary funds improperly confiscated over un-documented court costs. That would have to be litigated, but as Texas' largest county, we're talking about a LOT of folks. And of course, that commissary money has already been seized and spent.

This affects a lot of folks: 1) the counties (especially judges and district clerks) who may have improperly charged the money, and in many cases are likely still doing so 2) TDCJ who may have seized inmate funds based on insufficient documentation, and 3) TDCJ prisoners out of Harris County, and likely elsewhere, who Bunin believes may be able to file habeas writs to have their commissary funds reinstated, or at least the ones seized for court costs.

If those habeas writs started to roll in and were successful, would the county or the state have to foot the bill for replenishing TDCJ commissary funds? Would the state programs funded themselves be on the hook, e.g., would the Crime Victim Compensation Fund have to pay people back? ¿Quien sabe? The Court of Criminal Appeals conceivably could see hundreds or even thousands of writs on this topic out of Harris County alone on older cases. Stay tuned.

Wednesday, October 24, 2012

Harris County loses expensive $234 judgment on court costs

An appellate court has ruled that all court fees in Harris County criminal cases, going back for some indeterminate amount of time, are invalid if the county did not produce a written "bill of cost" documenting their source, as the county apparently, routinely failed to do. Moreover, the issue need not have been preserved at trial for court costs to be appealed. The implications are potentially profound.