Wednesday, April 18, 2012

'The Real CSI'

PBS Frontline last night broadcast a nearly hour-long feature story titled "The Real CSI," focusing on forensic errors caused by "cognitive bias" that can lead to mistakes like those made by fingerprint examiners in the infamous Brandon Mayfield case. Here's the video:

Watch The Real CSI on PBS. See more from FRONTLINE.

The first part of the story focuses on the surprising subjectivity of fingerprint examination, honing in on false accusations of terrorism against Oregon attorney Brandon Mayfield. Then they move on to the high rate of false positive errors in bite mark evidence, address the relative lack of meaningful credentialing in many forensic disciplines, and the inability of courts to weed out poorly functioning experts. It was fascinating to hear a latent fingerprint examiner with 40 years experience saying that moment one decides that two prints match amounts to a "leap of faith."

One interesting segment of the show discussed the infamous Casey Anthony prosecution out of Florida to show how high-profile cases can pressure prosecutors to employ questionable forensic evidence - in particular the so-called "smell of death" testimony. The jury in that case heard 37 experts from a dozen different forensic disciplines. The case was unusual in that respect, said her attorney, because the defendant was able to pay for a robust defense thanks to money paid her by ABC News for access to family photos. For those whose cases haven't become national entertainment fodder and can't get a news network to pay for defense experts, I suppose they're out of luck.

RELATED (4/20): Check out this story out of the UK about a police officer falsely accused of perjury based on a fingerprint mismatch.

See related Grits posts:

Ombudsman beefs with alleged bullying, extortion at Giddings state school

Yet more allegations of serious safety issues at the Gidding State School, indicating five years of reform and merger of agencies into the new Juvenile Justice Department have not yet resolved lingering problems. Reports the Austin Statesman's Mike Ward ("Lawmaker livid over reports of coercion, extortion at Giddings youth lockup," April 17):
Two legislative architects of Texas' sweeping reforms in juvenile justice after a sex-abuse scandal five years are fuming over a new report that questions security and safety at the Giddings State School.

The report includes allegations that youths are being "bought and owned" by other youths for cigarettes, illicit drugs and money at the lockup about 50 miles east of Austin.

The nine-page investigative report by Ombudsman Debbie Unruh that legislative leaders received on Tuesday lists an array of other issues: Youth ringleaders are "controlling the culture on this campus," staff have a lack of control over youths, youths have refused to leave security detention for fear of their safety, and bullying and extortion of food are common.

In the report, agency officials said they have identified five ringleaders, including one youth who was caught on a security camera stealing food from another youth. Random drug tests and dorm searches have been initiated to curb contraband trafficking, the report states.
The Senate Criminal Justice Committee will hold a hearing to examine the report's findings in May. Added Ward, "Release of the report comes as the latest in a series of reported problems at the lockup — from last September, when a youth offender stabbed a female correctional officer, to management issues that have kept top Austin officials at Giddings for months to a recent survey of more than 100 youths at Giddings by the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition who reported their highest concern was being assaulted by other youths."

UPDATE: Thanks to an attentive reader for identifying a link to the above-referenced Ombudsman's report (pdf), and a related article by Brandi Grissom at the Texas Tribune last week.

What is state duty to inform defendants of flawed forensics in old cases?

The Washington Post's Spencer Hsu tackles a subject at the federal level ("Convicted defendants left uninformed of forensic flaws found by Justice Dept.," April 16) with which Texas frequentlly struggles: What is the duty to inform defendants when faulty forensics are discovered to have been used in their case? Like most crime labs and other forensic experts, the FBI essentially contends the answer is, "none unless somebody makes us." The story opens:

Justice Department officials have known for years that flawed forensic work might have led to the convictions of potentially innocent people, but prosecutors failed to notify defendants or their attorneys even in many cases they knew were troubled.

Tuesday, April 17, 2012

Why I hate PolitiFact, DA campaign edition

Grits has alluded before that I'm no fan of the PolitiFact reporting model or others who parse public statements - often in the most narrow, out-of-context fashion - to pass judgment whether it's "truth." Two analyses of campaign statements by Travis County DA candidates Rosemary Lehmberg and Charlie Baird demonstrate why. Both comments were labeled by PolitiFact "mostly false," but that bottom-line, two-word assessment fails to acknowledge the more important, underlying truths that place the discussions in context beyond the strained, myopic lens of the "Truth-O-Meter."

Monday, April 16, 2012

Parole rates rising, especially for aggravated sex offenders

An attorney forwarded me data related to month-by-month Texas parole rates for various classes of offenders showing a slight nut noticeable overall increase in parole rates - especially for aggravated sex offenders, surprisingly - since the beginning of the fiscal year.


By contrast, here are the parole approval rates by offense type for FY 2010 from the parole board's annual report (pdf, p. 20):
  • Violent Aggravated Non-Sexual: 26.22%
  • Violent Aggravated Sexual: 39.82%
  • Violent Non-Aggravated Non-Sexual: 22.61%
  • Non-Aggravated Sexual: 28.40%
  • Non-Violent: 33.89%
  • Total: 31.01%
Grits finds these data remarkable, particularly the relatively high, recent parole approval rates for aggravated sex offenders. Of course, these data must be taken with a grain of salt. They could represent short term fluctuations resulting from particular cases that happened to come before the board recently. Also, notes the attorney who forwards the information, quite a few sex offenders approved for parole must first undergo treatment, take classes, etc., so not all those may be released any time soon. It's even possible the parole board chose to approve certain sex offenders who are nearing the end of their sentence so they'll be released while still under supervision instead of simply being handed $100 and a bus ticket with no reentry support.

Without more detailed data it's impossible to say what's behind the numbers or whether the spike may continue. It'll take many more months of data before one could say if recent, higher parole rates, including for agg sex offenders, are an outlier or represent a bona fide trend. But it does seem as though overall parole rates are inching upward, including even for serious offenders with long prison terms. This is good short-term economic news for the agency and the state and likely will pose little overall safety risk. If it continues, lessened prison population pressure will make it much less difficult next year for the Legislature to consider closure of more older, high-cost units as a cost-saving measure.

RELATED: Since Grits mentioned above data on sex offenders deemed ready for parole, it's worth mentioning that the Houston Chronicle has a story ("Freed Texas sex offendes aren't really free," April 16) about the state's civil commitment program, which supervises sex offenders deemed unfit for unfettered release even though they've fully served their sentence. Civil commitment is an extra punishment attached after criminal sanctions end and some critics complain it amounts to double jeopardy.  The Chronicle discussion arises in the wake of a recent escape by a high-risk sex offender from a halfway house run by the Geo Group, a private prison vendor. (Texas Prison Bidness notes that this was the 5th escape from that facility in 18 months.) Roughly 244 offenders are currently monitored in Texas' civil commitment program.

Challenger surging in hotly contested Williamson County DA's race

Grits has no firsthand knowledge of Williamson County District Attorney race, but judging from endorsements and fundraising, incumbent John Bradley appears to be on the ropes in his primary battle against insurgent challenger and current County Attorney Jana Duty. The headline in today's Statesman story on the race calls it "unparalleled in intensity," declaring the race more heated than any election in living memory according to Williamson courthouse watchers.

Police unions remarkably began to line up against Bradley after he had to retract ill-informed, ham-handed comments about civil service at the Cedar Park PD. He said a difference between him and Duty was he opposed them getting it, but Cedar Park voters had already authorized it. (Ironically, this is an issue where my views jibe more closely with Bradley's than the unions'; his ignorance of basic facts, IMO, is a greater indictment of a candidate than the politically incorrect view he expressed criticizing civil service.) In any event, the array of law enforcement interests stepping up to endorse Ms. Duty over the incumbent has grown quite impressive.

Source: janaduty.com.
The challenger has proven to be a diligent fundraiser and has a substantial lead in that regard, though neither candidate appears to be raising TV money so far, which must be spent in the relatively expensive Austin market:
Duty said in February that she had raised about $113,000, but she has declined to say how much she has raised since.

Duty has a history of successful fundraising. When she ran against an opponent in the 2004 primary, she raised about $47,000, winning with 63 percent of the vote.

By comparison, Bradley raised more than $27,000 for his 2002 primary battle, according to campaign finance reports.

Bradley said last week that he has about $68,000 and expects to raise an additional $10,000 to $20,000 by election day. Bradley has attacked Duty's fundraising, noting that it has come in part from her own staff and from loans to herself, but Duty said she has a broad base of supporters, including residents and attorneys who have left the Bradley camp.
The race is far from over and I'd still give the incumbent a 50/50 chance to remain in office, mainly because of incumbency advantages and because even Duty's greater fundraising totals appear too low to ensure voters all enter the polls understanding what's at stake. Even so, Bradley's reputation has been battered - in some cases thanks to vicissitudes of fate beyond his control, but in most cases as a result of his own missteps and misapplied ambitions - and he'll need more resources than he's projecting he'll have to pay for sufficient communication to overcome it.

The practical reason money matters in elections, and the reason it's often viewed in political and legal circles as almost a proxy for "speech," is that the MSM offers quite poor coverage of most elections, which are treated as in this story more as a horse race than a choice between public policy visions. Not only is campaign coverage poorly structured, it's also infrequent. We might see one more story featuring the race in the Statesman before election day, for example, but likely no more. Most information voters receive about candidates comes from paid advertising. When candidates in third-or-fourth tier races like this one can't afford campaign communication in sufficient volume to actually get voters' attention - be it direct mail, door hangers, radio and TV ads, etc. - voters go to the polls utterly ignorant, as opposed to mostly ignorant, which is a terrific contributor to high reelection rates among incumbents. (Voter attention confoundingly skews toward presidential, senate, congressional and legislative races much more than local contests.) So Duty's fundraising edge matters a great deal, and so does keeping and extending it as the end of the campaign nears. If she actually raised enough money to go on TV with an attack message or deliver several rounds of targeted direct mail, it could drive a stake into the heart of the incumbent. Unless Mr. Bradley somehow pulled a financial rabbit out of his hat, he simply wouldn't have resources to respond.

For those interested, here's Bradley's campaign website (he also has an active Facebook page) and challenger Jana Duty's campaign site.

Conceits of city, county pols create competing crime-lab concepts

In Houston, the Harris County Commissioners Court and the City Council are missing a huge opportunity to collaborate on a new, independent crime lab, letting partisan and personal differences interfere with the best interests of the public. The city is moving forward with its own crime lab while the county just broke ground on a separate, new facility, the Houston Chronicle recently reported ("County breaks ground on forensics lab," April 11) with prospects for collaboration unlikely:
The county's move to expand its lab comes as city leaders look at plans to spin off Houston's troubled crime lab. Mayor Annise Parker has proposed removing the city's crime lab from the Houston Police Department and placing it under an appointed board.

Parker has said she welcomes county participation in her plan, but that seems unlikely.

County Judge Ed Emmett has called the idea a "nonstarter."
The news came on the heels of a report last month describing the city's vision for a new crime lab ("Parker crime lab plan would cost more," March 21), which may cost up to 20% more to operate than keeping it at the police department. It would be run by:
an independent local government corporation, a hybrid of a nonprofit organization and government agency. The corporation would be funded by the city, and the mayor would nominate and Council would confirm its board of directors. The board would hire and fire employees and oversee the lab's operations.

On Monday, Icken and Feldman unveiled what the board would look like. It would have five members: someone who understands the judicial system, someone with law enforcement experience, a criminal defense attorney, a forensics expert and someone with a finance background. ...
The plan does not preclude the city from joining forces with the county, which plans to build its own expanded forensics center at the Texas Medical Center. If the city and county were to cooperate through the local government corporation, Icken said, Commissioners Court would appoint two of the five board members and the city would appoint two. Commissioners Court and City Council would jointly appoint the chairman, just as they do for the Port of Houston Authority.
Incredibly frustrating. Most pols at least offer lip service to the reality that working together would produce a better outcome, but lip service is all it is. The politicians involved appear unable to remove ego and an historic turf-war mentality from the process, and the predictable result is politicization, duplication, waste and higher costs for taxpayers. There are circumstances where rivalry and turf battles improve outcomes, but this is not one of them.

Sunday, April 15, 2012

On the unchecked power of cats and prosecutors; the unseen oversight of judges

Here are a few odds and ends that may interest Grits readers:

Saturday, April 14, 2012

Forensic commission will investigate Austin PD drylabbing allegations

Yesterday Grits offered up an account of the investigative panel on the El Paso crime lab at the Forensic Science Commission, and I chose that subject in part because Chuck Lindell at the Austin Statesman was there to cover the other big story of the day: The Commission's decision to open an investigation in response to allegations surrounding the Austin crime lab. (There appeared to be no MSM reporters, even from the El Paso Times, at the 7 a.m. investigative panel.) Reported Lindell ("State panel opens inquiry into Austin police crime lab," April 14):
The Texas Forensic Science Commission voted unanimously Friday to open an investigation into two complaints about the Austin Police Department crime lab's testing of drug evidence.

A three-member subcommittee will lead the investigation — holding meetings that will be open to the public — and report its findings to the full commission, which will conclude the case with a written determination.

The state commission, which investigates allegations of negligence or misconduct involving forensic labs, set no deadlines during Friday's meeting in Austin.

One complaint against the Austin police crime lab was filed by another facility, Integrated Forensic Laboratories in Euless, which questioned testing results or procedures used on evidence in three cases in which it followed up on work by the Austin lab. ...

The second complaint was filed by Debra Stephens, a scientist who worked for several years at the Austin crime lab until she was fired last year.
Lindell goes on to give topline accounts of the specific complaints being investigated, but the most interesting to me were allegations of "drylabbing" preliminary reports. The Austin PD crime lab told the Commission that retesting in one case out of the 23 identified by Ms. Stephens found a substance originally reported that was not there on retesting, but said it didn't affect the outcome of the case. The Commission will have to get to the bottom of that dispute. Stephens told Lindell otuside the meeting that the error "led to a charge being dropped." "I'd call that impacting the outcome of the case," she told him, alluding to discussions over the Commission's narrow definitions of negligence and misconduct.

One tidbit Chuck mentions only in passing deserves more explication. It came out in the discussion that, during the period under review, Austin crime lab workers would simply record results on scraps of paper - often sticky notes - then throw the only original documentation away after performing a test, merely entering the results into the computer system. In one instance, documentation provided by Ms. Stephens showed lab tests continued to be run six minutes after a preliminary report was issued to law enforcement. According to DPS, the practice did not meet ASCLD/LAB standards (they cited the specific regs, but I didn't jot them down), and APD said it changed protocols to eliminate the practice of issuing preliminary reports. They now require testing to be completed before reports are issued, though you'd kinda think that should have been obvious in the first place.

Another interesting allegation against APD came from a private crime lab in Tarrant County (the same one whose director is serving half-time overseeing the El Paso lab) involving whether to classify a substance as "marijuana" or as "THC" found in a substance "other than" marijuana, which receives a higher penalty. A rep from the Austin Bexar County crime lab was unhappy this allegation had been brought, declaring emphatically that the FSC wasn't the right place for resolving disputes between lab interpretations. But with so many other allegations bundled up in the same batch, his pleas not to examine the lab's practices on that score fell on deaf ears. It's possible, commissioners said, it could be a legal instead of a scientific dispute, but they couldn't make that judgment without digging into it further.

Obviously, Grits will continue to track this subject as the FSC inquiry moves along.

Friday, April 13, 2012

Ghost of John Bradley's chairmanship haunts El Paso crime lab inquiry

The ghost of John Bradley's Forensic Science Commission chairmanship rose from the grave to haunt another FSC investigation this morning, as the Commission relied on a narrow definition of "professional negligence," suggested and installed in agency policy by Bradley, to say the El Paso crime lab wasn't guilty of it.

The state law creating the forensic commission did not define negligence and did not give the FSC rulemaking power. But regular readers may recall Mr. Bradley pushed the commission at his first meeting to create supposedly nonbinding policies governing their activities, which he proposed whole hog without input from other commissioners. Under the definition of "professional negligence" which Mr. Bradley proposed and the commission regrettably adopted unedited (despite concerns raised by their Attorney General adviser that it was too narrow), the FSC may not issue a finding of negligence unless "the negligent act or omission substantially affected the integrity of the results of a forensic analysis" (emphasis added). According to new Chairman Vincent Di Maio, and the rest of the commission eventually agreed, that means that unless the results of a lab analysis were incorrect, they could not find negligence. In the end, the Commission interpreted the definition to say they could not hold the El Paso crime lab accountable for "negligence" because none of the samples processed by an incompetent analyst came up incorrect when retested - sort of the forensic version of "harmless error" in appellate court settings.

It's certainly comforting that no errors that we know of resulted in false convictions, but it's still negligent to employ incompetent staff, still negligent to disempower the Quality Assurance manager from improving practices. According to the accrediting body ASCLD/LAB (see their 2011 report [pdf]), the agency's division responsible for controlled substances testing employed incompetent analysts with inadequate supervision, overstated the thoroughness of testing, failed to follow their own laboratory policies, failed to base laboratory procedures on known standards, failed to document testing/calibration of instruments, allowed improper access to the lab by police officers and other personnel, and failed to require a written test to determine labworker competency. At one point, two different people independently believed they were the Quality Assurance manager (it's still confusing who was right). As a FSC commissioner said today, the lab was an "accident waiting to happen."

Now, to be fair, by all accounts the El Paso crime lab, particularly the division in question, has undergone massive change for the better. Two of the three analysts in the division are gone - including one deemed incompetent through proficiency testing - and the lab hired a private consultant from Tarrant County to serve as acting lab director on a half-time basis. At this point, said a DPS auditor, the lab is doing quality work in compliance with accreditation standards. El Paso PD and the District Attorney, who was present, were praised for their reaction to the situation, including their cooperation with regulators and the DA's notification of defense counsel in affected cases. EPPD told the commission they were trying to find a permanent lab director but may also yet decide to outsource controlled substance testing entirely. DA Jaime Esparza told the Commission he appreciated their hard work and believed their thoroughness would increase "community confidence."

So whether or not the FSC found negligence, the process clearly improved things for the better. ASCLD/LAB had taken the lab off probation in December, but a DPS audit commissioned by the FSC found more problems to address, with DPS suggesting "significant improvements" in February which have all since been adopted, the commission was told. The lab has undergone a "massive transition" since DPS visited, the auditor said, which made one wonder if their probation perhaps ended prematurely if there was that much more to be done.

What is negligence?
Regardless, the FSC is clearly using a flawed definition of negligence and misconduct. Commissioners should change it. As Dr. Sarah Kerrigan pointed out, under the interpretation propounded today one couldn't find misconduct in a "drylabbing" case (submitting reports without doing the testing). For example, a new, self-reported FSC case out of Tarrant County involves a crime lab employee who failed to test rape kits when the police report said no penetration occurred, claiming to have performed tests in at least five cases when he did not. When the kits were tested, indeed, they contained no semen, so the "results" weren't any different. But is that not still misconduct by the lab worker?

Di Maio insisted such a case of overt fraud was clearly "misconduct," but the FSC policy on misconduct policy contains the same language as the "negligence" definition about "results," so if they can't find El Paso negligent without an incorrect "result," it's hard to understand how a drylabbing case would be any different except in wrongful conviction cases where someone was falsely accused.

Even Di Maio, however conceded the El Paso lab as recently as last year faced serious problems before the recent shakeup, stemming he said mostly from administrative failures, failure to follow Quality Assurance guidance (again, not negligence?), and a lack of "scientific leadership." "Scientific problems, yeah,"said Di Maio, "but those were because of the management problems."

Praising ASCLD/LAB
I was especially interested and rather curious to hear Commissioner Sarah Kerrigan go out of her way to exonerate accrediting agency ASCLD/LAB in the El Paso incident, declaring that in this case the accreditation process was "working and functional." This struck me as an extraordinarily odd statement, and perhaps a bit of a forced one. Yes, it was ASCLD/LAB's report last year that brought these allegations to a head, and their investigation was much more thorough than, say, the one described in this Grits post, in part because the El Paso lab was transitioning off of its "legacy" accreditation to new international "ISO" standards just this month, requiring a much more complete vetting of the lab. But by all accounts, most of the same problems were raised by the accrediting body in 2006, and for five years ASCLD/LAB accreditation did nothing to fix them. Better late than never, I suppose, but for those five years that accreditation wasn't a particularly meaningful moniker. At best it's a mixed result for ASCLD/LAB.

By contrast, the Forensic Science Commission's vetting process, particularly when coupled with DPS serving as their audit arm, both investigated the case thoroughly - even if their judgment in the end was based on a skewed standard - and the process appeared to get the attention of city and county leaders in a way that the accrediting body could not in the five years after the problems were first identified in 2006. I expect this report, which will be vetted in full at the next FSC meeting, in that respect may end up a bit like the Todd Willingham arson report, making no misconduct or negligence finding but then describing at some length activities that seem, upon description, at a minimum negligent and which required extensive remediation. This process is opening up a unique and fascinating window onto crime lab problems and solutions, launching discussions that otherwise wouldn't or couldn't occur in a public setting.

Indeed, despite my complaint about John-Bradley-spawned problems with the FSC's definitions of negligence and misconduct, in general Texas' Forensic Science Commission appears to be finally hitting stride. Most commissioners seem to want to do a good a job, which is half the battle, and the staff have shown their competence at undertaking rather large-scale evaluations with impressive diligence and a fair but thorough approach. At times during the Willingham saga, many of us who work toward forensic reform have wondered if the agency would ever find its purpose and function, but they appear to have largely done so, even if the specter of John Bradley's chairmanship still looms over their work. The truth is, even if the FSC finds negligence or misconduct, there are no "teeth" to their authority. They cannot punish crime labs. They can only expose negligence, misconduct, and junk science to the light of day. And as long as they do that effectively, maybe for now it doesn't matter so much what they call it.

MORE: (4/14) Rereading this post, Grits should elaborate on the comment that the Attorney General legal adviser to the FSC worried the definition of "negligence" was too narrow at the time it was created. Grits was liveblogging that day's meeting back in January 2010 and wrote at the time:
(12:05): The AG rep described a "small gap" in the negligence and misconduct definitions (I don't have a copy so I can't be specific) that includes people who are aware of professional standards and fail to follow them but where the incident may not rise to the definition of "negligence" in the rules - a category the AG's rep said would likely make up a large number of cases submitted to the commission. The scientists on the committee didn't seem to understand the significance of what was being said to them on this score (and the defense attorney's rep isn't there), so they moved forward without changing the language or closing the "gap." Ouch!
Those definitions have remained the same in FSC policies as they were when Mr. Bradley forwarded them to commissioners the day before that meeting in Harlingen a little more than two years ago. Complaints arose at that 2010 meeting that the most controversial sections of Mr. Bradley's rules, including these definitions, were also the portions with no references to sources and did not rely on definitions and standards either from other jurisdictions or the feds. In the end, though, they adopted them anyway, a decision which rose up yesterday morning like some old, tired, poltergeist emanating from Bradley's misbegotten chairmanship, not as ominous or imminently scary as before, perhaps, indeed unseen by all but a few, but present nonetheless, hovering over the proceedings, smiling.

RELATED: Shortcomings in crime lab accrediting body supply role for forensic commission.

Thursday, April 12, 2012

Roundup: Homeland security, privacy, trooper vacancies and Mexican cartels

Here are few, disparate items that merit Grits readers' attention:

Mexican cartels in Texas
241 cartel operatives have been arrested in Texas since 2009, DPS Col. Steve McCraw told the Transportation and Homeland Security Committee this morning. He said cartels inside Mexico are using "terrorist tactics" for criminal operations, but not yet on the US side. He mentioned a point Grits has emphasized before, that cartels have "leveraged" Texas prison gangs for use as assassins and smugglers inside Mexico, reinforcing the fact that most of the real "spillover" so far has gone southward.

Chronic trooper vacancies at DPS
McCraw also told the committee the Department of Public Safety will be down to 280 vacancies after its next recruiting class, down from 340 right now. He said the biggest problem was recruitment, with low wages compared to other law enforcement agencies like Austin or Plano.

Lege raid on victim compensation funds leaves it drying up
The Crime Victim Compensation Fund is headed for insolvency, the Texas Senate Criminal Justice Committee was told yesterday, after the Legislature raided the fund in 2011 to balance the budget. Said Daniel Hodge of the AG's office, "Short-term stability and long-term viability are at risk now."

On sentencing and job prospects
A former Texas FBI agent received a downward sentencing departure in his federal criminal case because the judge felt he was additionally punished by the effects of a criminal conviction on his future job prospects, declaring, “Your life is pretty much ruined in terms of any law enforcement job.” Isn't that true of pretty much everybody with a felony conviction?

Sunset: Voters wanted ethics, not just disclosure
Editorialized the Austin Statesman, "Since its creation, ... the Ethics Commission has not referred a single ethics investigation to prosecutors and has mostly levied relatively small fines for failure to properly file financial disclosure statements and other similar paperwork." Sunset staff put it bluntly: "The people of Texas had every reason to believe they were getting an ethics agency when they voted for the constitutional amendment creating the Texas Ethics Commission in 1991. They did not vote for a Disclosure Filing Commission and likely would not have done so."

When the rent comes due: Homeland security edition
The feds have spent hundreds of billions of dollars on homeland security equipment of all stripes for local government over the last decade. Now, notes the Tennessean, the burden shifts to cities and counties to pay for the equipment's upkeep.

What proportion of the public commits crimes?
In New York City's massive stop and frisk program, about 12% of police encounters resulted in arrests or summons, reported New York magazine, which implies that about 12% of the public at any given time may be breaking the law. I mention it because Grits was interested a couple of years ago to see data from a drivers license and insurance checkpoint in San Angelo that one in 6 drivers stopped were ticketed or arrested. What does it say about Americans that 12-16% of the public are breaking the law if you stop them more or less randomly on the street? Does it say more about the "criminals," or the government? As a corollary, it reminds me of a question I heard posed some years ago by a now-forgotten source: If it were possible to construct a machine capable of enforcing every law on the books at all times and punishing everyone who broke them, would you build it? Could we even afford to?

Protecting privacy: Beyond the Constitution
Most legal privacy protections in federal law arise from statutes, not Fourth Amendment jurisprudence, and scholar Erin Murphy has helpfully compiled and analyzed those statutory provisions, noting that "at least four Supreme Court justices recently suggested in United States v. Jones that the proper scope of privacy protection might be a topic better left to legislatures than courts." Her article seeks to answer the question, "what does the federal statutory approach to regulating privacy from the police look like, and in what ways does that mimic, overlap with, or differ from the Fourth Amendment constitutional approach?"

Being Human, 2012
Slightly off topic, but I watched the opening segment on "Perception and Sensations" from the Being Human 2012 conference online yesterday and it was fascinating. See the full array of presentations here. See a summary of the talk from The Thoughtful Animal.

Probing probes by ASCLD/LAB: Conference calls substitute for investigation

Grits has discussed recently whether "accreditation" of crime labs provides meaningful oversight, citing an appeal last year to the New York Forensic Science Commission urging them to stop using ASCLD/LAB, which is also the main body that accredits crime labs in Texas. Attorney Paul Kennedy at The Defense Rests provides an example of ASCLD/LAB's oversight in the case of the Southwest Institute of Forensic Sciences in Dallas after allegations that "the lab has been using chemicals after the expiration dates on the bottles, that the lab is using outdated protocols and that analysts have been conducting tests without wearing gloves (among others)."

Their investigation method: They initiated two conference calls with lab management and issued a report parroting their responses as findings without even contacting the complainant. Writes Kennedy:
ASLD took over 13 months to complete their "investigation." Their investigation consisted of telephone interviews with managers at SWIFS (Southwest Institute of Forensic Sciences) in Dallas. Not once did anyone from ASLD contact the individual who made the complaint.

After ASLD's report was issued, it took the Texas Forensic Sciences Commission another 13 months to forward the findings to the individual who made the complaint. As a result of the "investigation" by the body who had accredited the lab two years prior to the complaint, the TFSC found the complaint to be groundless.
Not much of an inquiry if they never spoke to the complainant nor verified verbal responses from the lab. Then the Forensic Science Commission (belatedly) relied on the ASCLD/LAB findings - which really represented barely any investigation at all - to dismiss the complaint. (See the report [pdf].) Not encouraging, huh?

To be fair, the delay under the forensic commission occurred under John Bradley's chairmanship while the group was distracted, divided, and embroiled in the Todd Willingham arson controversy. And despite the poor quality of the Dallas investigation, Grits can't say for certain a more thorough one would have found anything. But this episode demonstrates why mere accreditation - or the say so of ASCLD/LAB - isn't necessarily sufficient to conclude a crime-lab complaint was unfounded. And if that's the case, what good are they?

MORE: The Forensic Science Commission's investigative panel on the El Paso crime lab meets tomorrow morning at 7 a.m. in Austin, for the early birds among you. See the agenda (pdf), as well as the one (pdf) for their regular meeting at 9:30. ASCLD/LAB took El Paso off probation, readers may recall, before all its problems had been addressed.

See related, recent Grits posts:

Wednesday, April 11, 2012

Ending smart phone robberies with technology rather than arrests

A great deal of crime is circumstantial and/or opportunistic: Change the circumstances, maybe crime doesn't occur in the first place.

Much has been written about declining crime rates over the past two decades, but one of the few categories where one occasionally sees increases at the local level has been "robberies," and this tidbit from the Washington Post ("Wireless carriers partner with FCC, police on database of stolen cell phones," April 9) perhaps explains that occasional aberration: "Cellphone theft has been rampant in cities across the country. More than 40 percent of robberies in New York involve smartphones. In the District [of Columbia], 34 percent of all robberies are of cellphones, and cellphone theft increased 54 percent between 2007 and 2011."

That's perhaps unsurprising, but not a trend I've heard discussed much. I wonder what percentage of robberies in Texas involve smart phones? To the extent that's a driving factor, a new national initiative may soon all but eliminate smart phones as a motive for robbery. Reports the Post, "Within six months, consumers will be able to call Verizon Wireless, AT&T, Sprint Nextel and T-Mobile if their devices are stolen and the carriers will block the phones from being used again."

Excellent news. Just like it's easier for homeowners to lock their doors and windows than for police to solve a burglary, it's easier to eliminate the payoff from stealing a smart phone by disabling it than it is to generally deter through punishment alone.

RELATED: From Bruce Schneier, see 'Lost Smart Phones and Human Nature,' and 'Law Enforcement Forensics Tools Against Smart Phones'

Deconstructing data on police deaths

Okay, here's a strange one. The headline in the New York Times Monday read: "Even as Violent Crime Falls, Killing of Officers Rises," reporting "a 25 percent increase" in 2011 in police officer homicides "and a 75 percent increase from 2008. Startling data, huh? But the truth is more complex. While police officer deaths did rise in 2011, they've also dramatically declined so far in 2012, as Radley Balko pointed out over the weekend. Here are the data for 2012 so far compared to last year via the National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund:

Law Enforcement Officer Fatalities
Preliminary 2012 Numbers
April 11, 2012

2012 2011 % Change
Total Fatalities 31 59 -47%
Firearms-related 11 26 -58%
Traffic-related 12 19 -37%
Other Causes 8 14 -43%

Why wasn't THAT the news hook? Such preliminary data were good enough to hype last year. IMO the answer is that sensationalistic bad news draws more readers than stories about positive trends. Journalists have a natural schadenfreude that encourages them to frame stories in the most alarming ways, but good news travels slowly, even during the 24-hour news cycle.

In this case, the Times also cherrypicked the data a bit. Dating the 75% increase from 2008 obscures the fact that on-the-job officer deaths were much higher in 2007, when 189 officers died on the job compared to 141 in 2008. This graph depicting the long-term pattern on officer deaths shows the recent "trend" hyped by the Times is really more a regression to the mean:

Police Officer Deaths in the Line of Duty, 1961-2011


So the tendency analyzed in the Times is a bit of a construct. Reporters could just as easily have said the total number of police officer deaths declined 8.5% compared to 2007, but would Times editors have considered that news "fit to print"?

In addition, limiting their stat to police homicides ignores most on-the-job police deaths, which much more frequently happen because of accidents, often in traffic. In 2010, for example, 153 officers died on the job nationwide, but the FBI data on which the NY Times based its analysis counted 56 officers "feloniously killed" that year. So when calculating the increase in the Times story, most on-the-job police deaths weren't counted.

Anytime you're analyzing statistics involving such small numbers, special care is warranted. With more than 700,000 sworn officers in the United States, these small fluctuations are not necessarily statistically significant. Notably absent from the Times story was any analysis by a statistician on whether these short-term data fluctuations are meaningful. Instead, the article is filled with speculation about the reasons for a trend that may or may not exist.

Being a police officer is not remotely the most dangerous job out there, nor even the most dangerous government work. Excluding soldiers who die in combat, garbage collectors rank highest among government workers in the likelihood they'll be killed on the job. The people picking up your trash put their lives on the line every day and are more likely not to make it home at night than their brethren in blue. But one suspects we won't any time soon see a New York Times headline memorializing their sacrifice.

Huge savings from supportive housing for chronic homeless

Grits was interested to see a report out of California about a supportive housing program created for the 30 most expensive, chronic homeless people in San Diego, which reportedly has about 9,800 homeless folks citywide. What struck me is how a) a small number of homeless people account for a disproportionate share of cost to the taxpayers, and b) targeting services to a relatively small number of people resulted in significant savings. Reported the local NBC affiliate:
The initiative housed 30 homeless people in San Diego who were estimated to be costing taxpayers over $11 million in public resources, according to data from the project.

The participants on average absorbed nearly $318,000 before entering the program, estimated in emergency room visits, ambulance transports, in-patient medical stays, arrests and jail days. Those who enrolled were often disabled and continuously homeless for over a year.

After almost a year of being in the program, analysts estimated that the cost of supporting the average participant was about $97,400.

Overall, the project resulted in a nearly 70 percent reduction in costs to taxpayers, the analysts said.
Not every homeless person needs long-term supportive housing. Most homelessness is temporary and transitional, so for them, short-term supports are adequate. But for a small number of chronic homeless - particularly frequent flyers in local jails who may be arrested dozens of times on petty charges - the cost-benefit analysis of business as usual often reaches absurdist proportions.

The problem with such programs is that the costs of homelessness are spread out among many entities - the city, county, state, Medicaid, local hospitals, etc. - and not all those will pay into supportive housing. So the societal cost is tremendous but there is a free-rider problem among institutions that would see costs reduced. On paper, taxpayers overall benefit tremendously. But in practice, when one arm of government pays the freight, the savings are so spread out that that entity may not see a reduction in their own bottom line.

That's why I think it's smart to target a handful of the most expensive, chronic homeless folks for a pilot, identifying people for whom the economics of supportive housing come out positive even for the government entity ponying up the bucks. This is not a problem which may be resolved with a snap of a finger. I'd like to see more Texas cities and counties take on this topic in the same way San Diego did: Start small, demonstrate the concept, and build on success. (Fort Worth has begun to embrace supportive housing, but in Texas they're an outlier.) Often government does nothing on homelessness - or relegates the issue to law enforcement - because doing everything needed would be so expensive that policymakers become paralyzed. In that context, chipping away at the issue around the edges is preferable to throwing up one's hands and simply declaring nothing can be done, or worse, criminalizing homelessness instead of focusing on reducing it.

Tuesday, April 10, 2012

Meeting the murderer: Profile of victim-offender dialogue facilitator

See an interesting article from the Christian Science Monitor about a boat builder from Maine who runs a non-profit facilitating victim-offender dialogue (VOD) between violent criminals and their victims or their families, which is an idea derived from "restorative justice" models. It describes how Texas' program launched his interest:
Wilson first grew intrigued with VOD when he was researching an article for Hope, a human interest magazine he published until 2003. In 2000, he attended training led by a pastor named David Doerfler, then with the Texas Department of Criminal Justice Victim Services Division. From the first day he was hooked.

He began working cases in Texas, which operates one of the oldest and largest VOD programs in the country. (At the time, six states offered VOD programs, Wilson says: Today, just over half the state corrections departments in the country support VOD programs.)

The programs are a delicate subject with state correctional officials. Some report widespread satisfaction among participants, but others refuse to discuss VOD at all.

As the mother of a victim, [Janet] Connors welcomed a chance to take part in VOD. "Don't take my choice away," she says. "We [victims] are used to getting upset – our whole lives have been upset. But don't take away my choice to meet with the person who caused me harm."
Wilson spends months meeting with victims and helping them prepare before engaging in dialogue. He also meets ahead of time with offenders, through which he discovered a pivotal irony of our modern penal system: The disassociation of punishment from the events that cause it and the consequent emotional detachment of prisoners.
The jailed offenders receive no shortened sentences or any kind of credit for their involvement. No dialogue occurs if an offender doesn't fully accept responsibility for the crime. What they do get is an opportunity to think more deeply about what they've done.

Wilson also meets ahead of time with offenders. "When I start out [with an offender], many of them will say, 'I don't even know if I have feelings,' " Wilson says. "Of course they have feelings, but that's how far removed they are from them. Describing their feelings is new to them.

"This is the problem with our system: These guys can do their whole sentence without ever having to think or talk about their crime. We do not insist [that] that person think about what they have done."
That last bit is an important observation. Under a restorative justice model, offenders are encouraged to take responsibility for their actions in more meaningful ways. Under the traditional system, the closest anyone comes to taking responsibility comes during the brief moments of a plea bargain before a judge, after which a prisoner may spend decades locked up without being reminded of their offense.

Meanwhile, the VOD program helpfully gives victims an opportunity to confront those who've harmed them and get answers to the many questions that swirl around the aftermath of tragedy. The story reminds me of Howard Zehr's comment that the current criminal justice system denies victims almost everything they need. At a 2007 conference, he argued that if one set out to design a system to create post traumatic stress for a victim, they couldn't do better than a court of law. VOD and other restorative justice approaches aim to  promote a more victim-centered space where their needs can be met, to the extent possible, beyond mere punishment of the perpetrator.

See the website for Wilson's group, Just Alternatives, for more on the subject.

Blogging border violence

After the body count from the Mexican cartel wars has ramped up over the last five years, there's finally beginning to be more consistent reporting on the subject available in the US, including in the blogosphere. Here are a few sources I've begun following recently to stay abreast of the topic:
And for the Spanish speakers among you (or those who don't mind fumbling around with Google's "translate" function), here are a few notable Spanish-language sources:
Combing through the blogs this morning, I ran across a story from March I'd missed at the time: An active-duty US soldier who'd signed on as an assassin for Los Zetas was shot by an undercover agent in Laredo. His cousin, who served in Afghanistan and was discharged from the Army on March 13, was among those arrested with him. This is yet another example of the real "spillover" violence on the Texas-Mexico border: US criminals crossing the river southward to commit murders and other crimes working as soldiers for competing drug cartels (warning: graphic images). By contrast, Texas border regions are among the safest in the state, particularly compared to the state's larger cities, and despite politicized misrepresentations, have not yet seen substantial violence "spillover" northward.

Grits can't follow these topics as closely as I would like, so I'm glad the bloggers above are covering the beat. With the Calderon military strategy an abject failure and the Mexican presidential elections looming this summer (a race made more or less interesting, depending on one's perspective, by a new ban on campaign attack ads), we're possibly at a pivotal moment in this epic tragedy.

Report to analyze student assessments in school discipline programs

The Texas Juvenile Justice Department is compiling a report on how students in Juvenile Justice Alternative Education Programs (JJAEPs) performed on the TAKS test, and though data hasn't been released yet, they leaked a bit of good news to the juvie probation department in Wichita Falls ("JJAEP students pass '11 reading TAKS," April 10):
Linda Brooke of the Texas Juvenile Justice Department in Austin was preparing a report on the TAKS pass rates of students in the state's juvenile education program when she ran across something so surprising that she couldn't keep it to herself.

She emailed Kirk Wolfe, Wichita County's Juvenile Justice Alternative Education Program director, to congratulate him on his high-performing JJAEP.

According to her data, 100 percent of students in the Wichita County JJAEP program passed the reading TAKS test in 2011.

"Since we have been looking at this passage rate, nobody has ever achieved a 100 percent passage rate," she wrote to Wolfe in an email Tuesday. "The average for JJAEPs in the area is 68.8 percent."

She told Wolfe that the accomplishment was "outstanding" and wrote, "Just wanted to tell you what a great job you and your staff are doing."

The full 2012 report, called The Juvenile Justice Alternative Education Performance Assessment Report, is due out May 1.
Kudos to Wolfe, his team and his students on the accomplishment. Here are a few more preliminary data:
Social studies had the highest pass rate among all discipline students statewide, with 80 percent meeting the state's standard, according to Texas Education Agency data on 2011 statewide TAKS test results of discipline students, published Oct. 27.

Pass rates decreased from there: Writing, 75.8 percent; reading, 67.7 percent; science, 54.4 percent; math, 46.1 percent.

Not all of the 55,952 disciplinary students took all tests. In social studies, 36.9 percent were tested; in writing, 13.2 percent; in reading, 84.7 percent; in science 39.3 percent; in math, 81.8 percent.

The TEA information did not break down the data into counties or school districts. That will come in the May 1 report.
I'm not sure I understand why not all disciplinary students were tested. According to the Texas Education Agency, "students who have been removed from their current placements for disciplinary reasons (i.e. suspended, expelled, or otherwise assigned to an IAES or other setting) must participate in all general state and district-wide assessments." For more information and data on assessment of disciplinary students, see this link-filled page on the TEA website.

Monday, April 09, 2012

Most TX police agencies yet to report on rape kit backlogs

Most police departments have not yet complied with a statutory deadline to report the number of untested rape kits in their possession as required under SB 1636 by Sen. Wendy Davis, reported the Texas Observer's Patrick Michels recently ("Backlogging the backlog," April 4).
DPS records obtained by the Observer show that as of January 23—three months after the deadline—just 86 of the state’s 2,647 law enforcement agencies had reported their backlogs.

The 86 include some of Texas’ largest police departments, like San Antonio (2,077 untested rape kits) and El Paso (56). But DPS records don’t show that Dallas, Houston or Fort Worth police have reported their totals to the state. The Texas Department of Criminal Justice reported 16 untested kits from alleged prison rapes.

In all, DPS records account for 5,686 untested kits in active investigations—and that number will only increase.
Though they haven't yet turned in their data, SB 1636's bill analysis included an estimate for Dallas: In Dallas, of the estimated 7,000 to 9,000 rape kits collected from 1996 to 2010, about 40 percent have been or will be submitted for testing." And in Houston, between 6-7,000 untested rape kits, according to a recent audit. So by the time the data is fully collected, it wouldn't surprise me to see the total statewide rise to 25,000 or more.

One element of the bill threatens to overwhelm crime labs if there were actually enough resources to comply with it (there are not) - a new requirement that all rape kits must be submitted for testing and cross-checked with the SCOTUS database:
Cassie Carradine, DNA supervisor at the Austin PD crime lab, says the city is caught up with all the kits it needs to test. All that’s left are kits that aren’t necessary for testing for a particular crime.

“The problem is that the definition of ‘active’ in the law is not a realistic definition of ‘active.’ The law says everything is active unless the statute of limitations has expired or it [the rape complaint] was a lie,” Carradine says. Carradine says it costs between $1,200 and $1,500 to test a single kit.

“The sex crimes detectives do not consider those ‘active’ cases. They're not active, and it’s not something that the police department is pursuing,“ she says. “I think it's unfortunate that the law has taken any police work out of this.”

Amarillo Police Lt. Martin Birkenfeld has a similar view. His department reported 950 untested kits—the second-largest total reported to the state so far—but he says the kits that haven’t been submitted are ones detectives haven’t needed to pursue.

“I realize that we're not perfect and I'm sure we've missed some over the years. But those that are of evidentiary value—historically, we've sent those because we want to get the results.”

“Well now according to the new guidelines, we're just sending everything. ... To me it's just not worth the cost, because it's not going to change what's been done in the investigation.”
It’s something of a moot point for now, anyway, because Birkenfeld says their local DPS lab in Lubbock told them to wait until they’re told to turn in their kits. Birkenfeld says that hasn’t happened yet, days after the deadline S.B. 1636 set for turning in all untested evidence. Davis, the law’s author, hasn’t been available to comment, but it looks like both DPS and local agencies have blown the few deadlines left in this unfunded law.
Before the new law passed, wait times for DNA testing at DPS ran around eight months, according to published reports, and this will only increase such delays.

There are a lot of reasons rape kits aren't tested. In some cases, for example, the suspect admits having sex with the victim and the question is whether there was consent. Identity isn't an issue there and DNA testing wouldn't help the case. OTOH, in the past, often kits weren't tested because police had no suspect to whom they could try to match it. With the existence of the ever-growing CODIS DNA database, some of those cases might be solved if the evidence were tested. Also, testing may not have been done in cases where a conviction was obtained based on eyewitness ID, so it's possible more than a few new innocence cases might arise if the backlog were comprehensively assessed.

Houston PD has been analyzing their backlog as part of a federally funded study to determine the various reasons DNA kits go untested, and when that work is complete it may be possible to develop more nuanced, standardized protocols for when rape kits may or may not need to be processed.

Sunday, April 08, 2012

Jesus Christ 'the all-time poster child for the innocence movement'

Grits offered up these musings about Easter last year and thought I'd reprise them today:
Easter is strikingly filled with criminal justice themes, isn't it? The Christian religion was essentially founded on a repudiation of Roman capital punishment. Easter celebrates the sinless Man-God killed for His beliefs who triumphed over the grave, mooting, even while respecting to the end, the earth-bound laws that condemned Him. Jesus, a blameless man executed, is the all-time poster child for the innocence movement. Corrupt and biased prosecutors prevailed in His case because of a judge's personal indifference and deference to the mob. Christ's betrayal by Judas was the archetype cementing into Christian values a lingering distrust of snitches and informants. Romans accused the disciples of grave robbery. St. Peter committed assault with a deadly weapon in the Garden of Gethsemane then thrice lied about his identity to avoid arrest. And taken as a whole, the passion story documents Jesus' arrest, trial, and execution all taking place in an incredibly short span, as though criminal convictions could be obtained as quickly in real life as on an episode of Law & Order.

Christmas is a story about family. Easter is a story about a wrongful criminal conviction, the misapplication of the death penalty, the overweening power of the state, and the irrepressible urge of humanity to resist it.

Happy Easter, gentle readers. Enjoy this beautiful day.
RELATED: For more Easter-themed Grits, see: Snitching on Good Friday: Rethinking Judas.