Showing posts with label capital punishment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label capital punishment. Show all posts

Monday, March 18, 2019

Podcast: Elsa Alcala says Texas death penalty unreliable; parsing new TX traffic-stop data; prospects for Lone-Star marijuana reform, and other stories

Here's the March 2018 episode  of the Reasonably Suspicious podcast, recorded last week on the SXSW Podcast Stage hosted by Cadence13. Former Texas Court of Criminal Appeals Judge Elsa Alcala was our special guest, focusing on junk forensic science and the death penalty.


Here's what's on this month's show:

Opening Riff
Would permanently shifting to Daylight Savings Time reduce crime?

Top Stories
  • Prospects for marijuana reform in Texas
  • New data on use of force at Texas traffic stops
  • Legislative proposals to end the Driver Responsibility surcharge
Forensic Focus
Judge Elsa Alcala discusses junk science cases at the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals.

Death and Texas
Judge Alcala discusses the evolution of her views on capital punishment, from proponent to critic, and what the Texas Legislature should do to fix the state's unconstitutional laws on executing people with developmental disabilities.

The Last Hurrah
  • More corruption revealed after botched drug raid in Houston
  • Should stealing Amazon packages become a felony?
  • Closing the "Dead Suspect" loophole to the Texas Public Information Act
Find a transcript of the show below the jump.

Friday, December 14, 2018

Podcast excerpt: TX Court of Criminal Appeals hears arguments about when it's okay to electrocute pro se defendants

James Calvert is a mentally ill capital murder defendant who allegedly murdered his ex-wife on Halloween night in 2012. He represented himself at trial in Smith County, Texas and was sentenced to the death penalty. Among other remarkable elements of the case, Mr. Calvert was shocked with a 50,000 volt stun belt during the trial for refusing to obey the court's demands. In addition, Judge Jack Skeen, who presided over the trial, repeatedly made negative comments about Mr. Calvert and the evidence he presented. Many observers believed Calvert should never have been allowed to represent himself in the first place.

In September, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals heard oral arguments in Calvert's case, delivering perhaps the clearest window yet into the issues that may decide his fate. On the December 2018 episode of the Reasonably Suspicious podcast, my co-host, Texas Defender Service Executive Director Mandy Marzullo, and I reviewed highlights from oral arguments and discussed key issues in the case. Because of high levels of interest in the case, particularly in Grits' hometown, I've excerpted the podcast segment dealing with the case; listen to it here:


For a transcript of of the segment, go here.

And by the way, if, like me, the story about shocking a defendant with a 50,000 volt stun belt left you wondering, "What kind of company manufactures such a torture device, and how is there a market for such a thing?," here's a two-decade old Washington Post story offering some background, using a Texas case study, of course.

Saturday, June 23, 2018

Judges rubber stamping capital writs, warrants now required for cell-phone location data, managed-assigned-counsel systems still suck, and other stories

Here are a few odds and ends that merit readers' attention:

Austin admits police oversight system didn't do much
Grits has said for years that Austin's civilian review panel for police was more or less worthless as oversight. They make fine recommendations, but none of them are ever implemented, as the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition demonstrated in a report last year. Now, a city auditor's report has agreed, finding that none of the civilian review panel's recommendations under the old system were ever implemented. See coverage from the Austin Monitor.

Lawsuit: Austin PD failed to properly investigate sexual assault cases
See coverage from the Daily Beast. Putting a pin in this one to look at later. Given that Austin PD's DNA lab has already been shut down because they were performing the tests wrong, it's not hard to imagine some cases aren't aggressively pursued when they should be.

Bexar should reject calls for managed-assigned-counsel
The SA Express News editorial board argued that Bexar County needs to a) spend more on indigent defense but also b) spend more on oversight to make sure it's getting quality defense for the money it's spending. They should stop promoting the Managed Assigned Counsel program, which has been a disaster in Austin. What Bexar County needs is a full-blown public defender office, and not just for mental-health cases.

Harris County judges rubber stamp DA findings in capital writs
In 96 percent of state capital habeas cases since 1995, judges in Harris County simply adopted proposed findings of fact written by the prosecution, according to this analysis from the Houston Law Review. See this summary of the analysis compiled by The Open File.

Paxton sides against local GOP judges in bail litigation
Positioning himself opposite the Republican judges who've spent more than $6 million fighting bail reform in Harris County, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton is seeking to have lawsuits dismissed which were filed by Harris County magistrates against the State Commission on Judicial Conduct after that agency had sanctioned them. The judges in Houston fighting bail reform are becoming increasingly isolated. The bail bond industry is nearly their only remaining ally, given that statewide elected officials like the Attorney General and the Texas Supreme Court Chief Justice haven't backed their play.

Settlement in pool party police assault
The girl who was famously slammed down by police at a McKinney pool party has entered into a settlement with the city, reported The Root. " According to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, under the terms of the settlement, ... plaintiffs in the case, were awarded a total of $184,850 last month, with $148,850 of that amount going to" the principle victim. ALSO: The Statesman has the story of another high-profile civil rights suit against a police officer out of Mesquite who tazed a teenager in the groin in a situation where the boy ultimately died.

SCOTUS: Protect cell-phone location data with warrant requirement
I haven't had time yet to read the new Carpenter decision from the US Supreme Court on when law enforcement must get a warrant to access cell-phone location data and when they don't need one. But the fact that Orin Kerr is grumpy means I'm likely to like it. Regular readers may recall that Grits had previewed the case around Christmastime with a poetic homage.

Saturday, February 03, 2018

Interview: Father/victim of soon-to-be-executed inmate pleas for son's life

Thomas Whitaker is scheduled for execution later this month for orchestrating an attack on his family in 2003 in which his mother and brother died and his father was injured. His father, Richard "Kent" Whitaker, is waging a campaign to convince the Board of Pardons and Paroles and Governor Greg Abbott to commute his sentence to life. The Washington Post yesterday published a feature on the story.

On the latest episode of our Reasonably Suspicious podcast, my co-host Mandy Marzullo spoke with Kent Whitaker about his son's case and his longshot campaign to secure mercy in the form of a gubernatorial commutation. Give it a listen:


Find a transcript of this conversation below the jump.

Saturday, January 13, 2018

'Agree with me or I will kill you': On plea bargaining, the death penalty, and life without parole

Me, Harris County DA Kim Ogg, and Shannon Edmonds from the Texas District and County Attorneys Association commented in a Houston Chronicle story this week on the role of life-without-parole sentences in plea bargaining in capital cases. I'd suggested:
"There has always been speculation about whether that has encouraged prosecutors to file capital cases more than they otherwise would because what better leverage do you have in a plea bargaining situation than, 'Agree with me or I will kill you,'" said Scott Henson policy director with the non-profit Just Liberty, which advocates for reducing incarceration. "The government will literally kill you if you don't go for life without parole and there is no stronger bargaining chip than that."
However,
District Attorney Kim Ogg, whose office has overseen less than 25 life without parole sentences since she took the reins last year, pushed back against that suggestion. 
"We don't use the death penalty as a plea bargaining tool," she said.
Hmmmm ... What is plea bargaining, Grits wonders, if not a negotiation over sentences? More lenient sentences are offered as an incentive for the defendant to admit guilt and avoid a trial. Since the only two sentences available for capital crimes in Texas are death and LWOP, one wonders what else there is to bargain over if the death penalty isn't used "as a plea bargaining tool"?

Taking the claim on its face, perhaps this might explain the large number of cases charged as capital which don't result in capital sentences: when prosecutors take death off the table in a capital case, LWOP becomes the top sentence in a plea negotiation. So offering non-capital murder or some other charge with the possibility of parole would become the only negotiating chip to incentivize plea deals. Sufficient, county-level charging data doesn't exist, to my knowledge, to confirm that hypothesis, but I'm not sure why anyone would plea bargain to LWOP if the death penalty weren't being threatened.

If the Harris DA under Kim Ogg doesn't use the death penalty to get LWOP plea bargains, I'm glad to hear it. Shannon Edmonds from TDCAA, however, considered it par for the course "that prosecutors used the death penalty to get a guilty plea."
Shannon Edmonds, staff attorney and director of governmental relations for the Texas District and County Attorneys Association, said his group doesn't have an official position on the matter. 
"It kind of tickles me that defense lawyers are upset that prosecutors aren't trying to kill their clients," he said. "Even if the punishment was a minimum of 40 years on a capital life sentence, they still complained that prosecutors used the death penalty to get a guilty plea. That's not anything unique to life without parole."
So, there's that.

Finally, Houston attorney Pat McCann raised an issue that's been discussed recently on this blog and on the podcast - non-capital cases don't receive legal representation at the habeas-corpus stage, nor automatic review by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals or the federal courts:
Unlike with death-sentenced cases, there's no automatic appointment of post-conviction appellate counsel and no punishment phase of the trial, which makes the whole process quicker and cheaper. 
"Life without parole was an unintentional gift to major urban prosecutors' offices," McCann said. "It makes it very easy to dispose of a large number of violent and often youthful offenders without any more thought than one would need to toss away a piece garbage."
Much has been written about the financial costs of the death penalty, but McCann's observation raises another important and less-often-discussed point: The reason the death penalty tends to drive criminal-justice debates isn't just the symbolic importance of imposing the maximum punishment. It's that defendants sentenced to the death penalty have attorneys representing them throughout the process, and so weak or unconstitutional prosecutions are more likely to be exposed.

Flawed forensics, for example, may be challenged at the habeas stage under Texas' junk science writ. But only capital defendants are guaranteed an attorney at that stage. Same goes for ineffective assistance, prosecutor misconduct, and other common habeas claims.

Death cases these days are more thoroughly vetted by appellate courts, at least at the federal level. (State-level representation in Texas capital cases too often remains shoddy.) But for the LWOP prisoners, McCann's "piece of garbage" comment isn't far off. Court of Criminal Appeals Judge Elsa Alcala has suggested extending the right to counsel in habeas proceedings to non-capital cases in order to pursue ineffective assistance claims. There's a strong argument to be made that LWOP sentences deserve the same level of automatic, post-conviction vetting.

Thursday, November 30, 2017

Police unions, the media, and me ... and other stories

Grits fell ill at the end of the holiday weekend, am only now really back on my feet, and find myself in a desperate need to clear my browser tabs. So, y'all get a roundup of all the stuff I don't have time to blog about right now.

Police officers indicted more often, but seldom convicted after shootings
More police officers in Texas are being charged after questionable shootings, but prosecutors who were able to convince grand juries to indict have been less successful at securing convictions at trial, reported Tasha Tsiaperas the Dallas Morning News (who has a really cool, bond-villain-type name!). In related news, Grits contributing writer Eva Ruth Moravec had a feature in the Houston Chronicle about a Freeport police officer acquitted by a Brazoria County jury for shooting his unarmed neighbor in the next apartment. It was as negligent a situation as one could imagine, so maybe civil court is still an option: The cop apparently slept with a loaded gun in his bed (and in this case, his finger on the trigger, safety off) and fired it through his headboard into the next door apartment. Attn: Texas Monthly, this is mandatory Bum Steer material.

Police unions, the media, and me
Most local media coverage of the Austin police contract has been dismissive of the push by the Austin Justice Coalition and their growing list of allies to get the city council to vote "no." This, despite opposition to the contract from hundreds of signators, more than a dozen groups, and even though, in a staunchly Democratic county, D precinct chairs unanimously voted for a resolution urging city council to kill the deal. Currently the vote is scheduled for December 14th. At the Texas Observer, Michael Barajas has a feature explaining more fully "How the expiration of Austin's police union contract could be a rare opportunity for reform." Former CLEAT mugwump and long-time police-union leader Ron DeLord, who was lead negotiator for the Austin Police Association on the contract, complained on Twitter that Barajas didn't talk to him. So I suggested DeLord do a podcast interview to air his views, and he agreed(!). I hope y'all are looking forward to that as much as I am. Mainly I want to talk to him about his books: See Grits' discussion of his latest one, and also the opening segment of our August Reasonably Suspicious podcast discussing his remarkably accurate prediction of Texas' police-pension crisis, which was a contentious legislative imbroglio this year resulting in outcomes with which no one is happy, but which brokered an uneasy, temporary truce among the parties. If the economy holds.

Evaluating police bodycams
Coupla items here: A new study found bodycams reduced use of force episodes at the Las Vegas PD while providing quality evidence that supported criminal convictions mostly of defendants, not cops. But many advocates, your correspondent included, believe the laws limiting transparency around footage reduce the accountability benefits. Supporting that claim, Nick Selby wrote on The Crime Report that, "In October of this year, the biggest-ever randomized study of body cameras showed no measurable reduction in complaints or use of force by officers in Washington, D.C." So the jury's still out on whether this will turn out to be an important accountability measure, as they were originally pitched in the hyped aftermath of the Ferguson protests.

With shortfall looming, a way to reduce DPS crime-lab volume
Plano PD is testing a device that can tell whether DNA exists on a piece of evidence before they send it to the lab instead of after. If this works as advertised, Governor Greg Abbott, his grants division, and DPS crime-lab folk should take heed. It might even be worth the Governor considering emergency grants to buy these for the biggest users of DPS DNA lab services to reduce the volume of cases. A lot of material sent has no DNA on it at all, and to screen that out up front would make a big difference on volume in a biennium when the Legislature told DPS to collect fees for part of their budget and the Governor has stopped them from doing it. That creates a shortfall unless they can find ways to reduce volume. This could be an important one.

Death penalty now mainly an LWOP plea-bargain chip
Texas will perform no more executions this year after the Court of Criminal Appeals issued a stay and halted Juan Castillo's planned trip to the death chamber. But expect life without parole sentences to keep stacking up as Christmas approaches. In 2016, according to the Texas Office of Court Administration, just three new death sentences were secured by Texas prosecutors, compared to 64 LWOP sentences. (A whopping 426 total capital cases were filed statewide last year, which was a ten percent increase from the year before, so many are called, but few are chosen.) These days, the death penalty is mostly a threat to get people to accept life without parole sentences in a plea bargain.

Harris judges sabotaging pretrial release order from feds
Harris County judges are sabotaging the pretrial release system mandated under a federal court order by refusing to release thousands of defendants who qualify, according to a report by the Texas Tribune (which doesn't use such strong language but supplies all the relevant details). Instead, the Sheriff has to release them outside of the purview of the Pretrial Services system, where they predictably have higher no-show rates. (One of the most important things pretrial services does to get them there are reminder calls and texts.) The key problem:
Defendants who are ordered for no-cost release by a judge or magistrate are entered into the county’s Pretrial Services department, which works to ensure those out on personal bonds know the date of their next court appearance and can provide additional conditions like drug testing, mental health services or GPS ankle bracelets. Those released by the sheriff aren’t monitored once they leave the jail.
On judges as gatekeepers, redux
Here's a law review article by Stephanie Damon-Moore on a question Grits has thought about a lot: "why trial judges, who have an independent obligation to screen expert testimony presented in their courts, would routinely admit evidence devoid of scientific integrity."

Beyond mass incarceration: Felony sentences rose quicker than imprisonment rates
We've established that the War on Drugs contributed more to mass incarceration than critics like John Pfaff have claimed. But now the statistician who best proved that has come out with a new analysis demonstrating even deeper, more insidious aspects to the drug war's role. Compared to new prison sentences, which themselves skyrocketed, the number of total felony sentences (including probation, deferred adjudication, etc.) went up even faster! See here, and check out the whole analysis:

Saturday, July 01, 2017

When prosecutors have too much time on their hands, and other stories

Here are a few odds and ends of which Grits readers should be aware, even if your correspondent hasn't had time to focus as much as one might like on the blog in recent weeks:

Too many prosecutors with time on their hands
Travis County keeps old misdemeanor arrest warrants on the books that are 30 years old or more. For what possible purpose, one wonders? The story arises because, with the number of hot-check cases rapidly declining, prosecutors in the hot-check division don't have anything better to do and have begun to try to collect on these old cases. Maybe the County Attorney should just reduce staffing in that division commensurate with the decline in caseload instead of sending them on fishing expeditions for old unpaid tickets. Just a thought.

Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodes
A police officer in Dallas has been indicted for an on-duty shooting for the first time in 43 years. But an indictment is one thing, conviction another. In Fort Worth, charges were dismissed against a cop who shot a man holding a barbecue fork after the original charges resulted in a mistrial. The state trooper indicted for perjury after Sandra Bland's arrest and death in the Waller County Jail, but charges were dropped this week. Not only is it difficult to prosecute bad cops, it can be damn hard to fire them: In San Antonio, a once-before-fired officer who'd been returned to the force by an arbitrator, was once again given his job back through arbitration after he'd fled the scene of a crime where his gun was used to shoot someone and a bag of cocaine was found in his truck. He failed to report his involvement to his supervisors and misled investigators at the scene, but was let back on the force. About the only way Texas cops are ever successfully prosecuted is if the feds do it, like with this guy.

Bill death doesn't halt bail reform
Texas legislation to require courts to use risk assessments when setting  bail amounts died this year as an industry which has in essence captured its regulators demonstrably exercised control over the legislative process. But arguments against the practice aren't going away and neither is the bail litigation in Harris County, which looks like it could end up at the US Supreme Court before all is done. As evidenced in the next item, Texas' hasn't fared well there, recently, fwiw.

Texas cases defined SCOTUS capital punishment debate this year
Commentators from the left and right all agree that Texas cases - especially ones where the Court of Criminal Appeals has embarrassed the state over reactionary, reflexively pro-government rulings that fly in the face of reason and common sense - are more or less defining the terms of debate over the death penalty these days at the US Supreme Court.

Forensic (not-quite) Science Update
How much science is in forensic science? Less than you think. But the tuff-on-crime crowd clings to unscientific (or more accurately, pre-scientific) reliance on longstanding forensic practices with higher-than-zero false positive rates, many of which have been portrayed as all but foolproof in courtrooms across America. This podcast gives a good overview of recent federal developments and their implications.

Holiday Reading
Here are a couple of academic articles  Grits has downloaded and intends to read over the July 4th holiday:

Sunday, April 09, 2017

Paltry Grits posting rate masks busy time at #txlege

For readers disappointed with the paltry recent posting rate here on Grits, I should mention that most of my writing these days is happening on Just Liberty emails and action alerts. If you haven't signed on to our advocacy list, please do so. Otherwise, here are a few odds and ends which merit readers' attention.

Good Samaritan bill up in House committee
Rep. Ryan Guillen's Good Samaritan legislation (HB 73) is up on Monday in the House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee, but the biggest threat to its passage remains uncertainty about Gov. Abbott, who vetoed the bill last year and is now moving the goal posts regarding his concerns. This is a major public health concern. Overdose deaths are now twice as common in Texas as murders. Go here if you'd like to send a message to Gov. Abbott asking him to support Texas' Good Samaritan legislation.

Debtors prisons and deconstruction of the administrative state
On the same Criminal Jurisprudence agenda Monday, Rep. James White has a great little bill, HB 3279, limiting various debtors-prison practices. Hope to see this one get some traction. Anyone truly concerned with "deconstruction of the administrative state" will want to begin here. See a fact sheet on the bill from Texas Appleseed and the Texas Fair Defense Project.

Sandra Bland Act, DRP, up on Tuesday
Big day in the Homeland Security and Public Safety Committee Tuesday morning, with the Sandra Bland Act (HB 2702) and the most likely vehicle for Driver Responsibility Program repeal (HB 2068) both on the committee's agenda.

Halted execution implicates pair of capital bills
The Court of Criminal Appeals halted Paul Storey's execution last week in a move which implicates a couple of pieces of pending legislation. Prosecutors told the jury in the death-penalty phase of Storey's case that the victim's family wanted the death penalty, which turned out not to be true. Jurors were given faulty jury instructions which HB 3054 by Herrero/Smithee aims to fix. That bill was heard last week in the House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee and may get a vote as early as Monday. Meanwhile, the remaining issues in Storey's case reportedly regard whether Storey's appeals attorney could have reasonably discovered the true feelings of the victim's family about the death penalty. In other words, once again the quality of direct capital appeals are being called into question, which brings us to Corrections Committee Chairman James White's HB 1676 creating a new capital public defender for direct appeals (it'll need a catchier name than that). Maybe it'll turn out Storey's attorney couldn't have known the family's views, or maybe he just didn't ask them. But minimalist investigation and slipshod work product on direct appeal, along with cost effectiveness, are exactly the recurring problems that prompted the East Texas Republican to propose this new office. The appellate process should have vetted these subjects long before now. Storey's case could be a poster child for why these bills are needed.

When innocent SWAT raid victims defend themselves
A Corpus Christi man has sued the police department after a wrong-house SWAT raid in which he shot three officers. He was jailed for two years before being acquitted by a jury. Noted the Caller Times' Krista Torralva, "Police use of no-knock raids have recently come under public scrutiny and Rosas’ case has been included in national conversations. The Washington Post and New York Times wrote about Rosas’ case after his acquittal."

The End of Local Laws
Governing magazine says Gov. Greg Abbott wants to end local laws.

Richard Dreyfuss on Kerry Cook
Actor Richard Dreyfuss discusses Kerry Max Cook with Texas Monthly's Michael Hall. Grits couldn't agree more with Dreyfuss' answer to Mike's final question.

You gotta start somewhere
The Texas Tribune has published a couple of good primers on testifying at the capitol and making your voice heard by lawmakers. Nicely done.

Progress, slow but broad
While some folks understandably express impatience at the slow pace of criminal justice reform, it's easy to underestimate how difficult it was just to stop the upward trajectory of mass incarceration and begin to turn the curve downward. Pew's Adam Gelb describes the baby-step progress made on that front at the state level.

Thursday, March 23, 2017

Whining counties, and defense lawyers, and prosecutors ...

While work and family obligations have intervened to disrupt regularly scheduled blogging, here are a few odds and ends which merit Grits' readers' attention.

Kerry Max Cook: Lawyer brown nosing Smith County DA blew deal
Michael Hall explores Kerry Max Cook's reasons for rejecting a deal which would have finally exonerated him of capital murder after nearly forty years, and why the Court of Criminal Appeals may overturn his conviction anyway. Great stuff as always from Mr. Hall. What a mess.

Nobody bought defense bar arguments vs. capital appellate defender
The push to create an appellate public defender for direct appeals in capital cases took an important step forward this week, with HB 1676 by James White (R-Woodville) approved unanimously without amendment out of the House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee. The SA Express News concurrently published an editorial decrying the small pool of private attorneys available for those cases. Readers may recall that, before the hearing, in an interview with Grits on the topic, the Texas Defender Service's Amanda Marzullo showed how woefully deficient most representation of indigent defendants in capital cases has been.

The hearing was a bit of a zoo. The private criminal defense bar woefully misread the room, showing up to push for a flawed "managed assigned counsel" system so their members wouldn't lose business. But since the principle reasons suggested for creating the system were that private attorneys' work product on capital direct appeals empirically was poor, unreliable, and often cut and pasted without any specific analysis related to the instant case, nobody on the committee seemed to be in a mood to oblige complaints that this work (maybe 6-8 cases a year) might instead go to a small, three person public defender office that would cost less for a superior product.

GOP alternative approach to drug abuse emerging
Notably, a recent article in National Review touts drug courts and community corrections as the correct, conservative path toward confronting opiod abuse. Here in Texas, HB 2398 (King) would take precisely that path, reducing penalties for user-level possession cases and using the savings in incarceration costs to pay for drug treatment and community supervision at the local level. There is emerging an alternative GOP approach to confronting drug abuse - pioneered by our friends in the Right on Crime crowd - in a way that supplies a path to recovery rather than punishing every soul who has succumbed to addiction with a felony conviction.

Reining in asset forfeiture abuses
It's Asset Forfeiture Reform Day in a House Criminal Jurisprudence subcommittee next Wednesday. This could be one of the more contentious debates of the session. A bipartisan reform coalition comes loaded for bear while one may expect a parade of police and prosecutors wailing and moaning at the thought of losing their favorite revenue stream/slush fund. (Whining is a theme of this roundup, one notices.) Grab popcorn and watch it online if you can't come: Should be a hoot.

Raise the Age
TPPF's Marc Levin makes the conservative case for Texas' raise-the-age legislation. From your mouth to John Whitmire's ear, my friend.

A disingenuous debate over unfunded mandates
Counties are using indigent defense as an example of "unfunded mandates" from state government for which they must pay. However, most of the increased caseloads experienced since the turn of the century stemmed from local decisions to prosecute less and less serious cases, even as crime fell. I'm open to debating the level of state contribution to indigent defense funding on its own merits, but Grits dislikes this phony baloney "unfunded mandate" debate. The FAR bigger unfunded mandate comes when DAs seek or judges order extremely long sentences for which state government must foot the bill. Note to counties: How about this deal? What if the state pays for indigent defense, and counties pay the cost to incarcerate every individual whom they convict and send to prison? It'll be an even swap of funding responsibilities. Why wouldn't they? Because the unfunded mandate in the state's direction is in reality much, much greater. Framed in that light, i.e., in light of reality, complaints of "unfunded mandates" from counties to me come off as disingenuous and whiny.

Texas not only state denying prosecutors access to police misconduct records
Texas is not the only state where records about police misconduct are concealed from prosecutors who have an obligation to disclose them to the defense. California is struggling with the same conundrum. Here, passage of the Michael Morton Act placed the issue in stark relief at cities which opted into the state civil service code (~70), an issue first raised publicly by Court of Criminal Appeals Judge Barbara Hervey. This situation spurred state Sen. Juan "Chuy" Hinojosa to file SB 783 to open those files up as is the case at hundreds of other law enforcement agencies around the state. For more background, see here.

Wednesday, November 02, 2016

CCA: TX junk science writ can't challenge bad forensics at death-penalty sentencing

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals today adopted a particularly ungenerous interpretation of Texas' so-called "junk science writ" (Code of Criminal Procedure 11.073) to say that habeas challenges may only confront junk science used in the guilt/innocence phase of a conviction, not in the sentencing phase.

As a practical matter, this mainly excludes use of the writ to challenge evidence in the sentencing phase of capital cases, where "special issues" supporting the death penalty must be proven "beyond a reasonable doubt" just like with the adjudication of guilt. For most other felonies, the judge or jury may choose from a range of sentences without facing additional layers of proof.

Judge Keller's majority opinion carried six members of the court. Judge Richardson authored a concurrence, joined by Newell and Hervey, to say this was a "harsh result" and arguing that the Lege should expand access to the writ to include the sentencing phase. Judge Alcala wrote another despair-tinged dissent, joined by Judges Meyers and Johnson.

Because after all, just because the state relied on junk science to secure a death sentence, why should that death sentence be overturned after that evidence is debunked? It's not like there's anything important at stake, right?

Having been involved with the early drafting of the statute in question back when I was Policy Director at the Innocence Project of Texas, Grits must admit that nobody on either side of the negotiations ever contemplated this issue and I'd never considered it before this case came up. (The capital folks weren't much involved with the original bill and, in truth, if they'd been its big promoters, it would have been unlikely to pass.) I can also say for certain that nobody involved in the negotiations was operating under the assumptions Judge Keller hypothesized based on the court's DNA testing jurisprudence. The subject simply wasn't ever considered.

Because, as a practical matter, the Lege expressed no "intent" one way or another, I suppose the CCA judges get to do what they want. And in general, what they want is to side with the state and wherever possible issue what Judge Richardson called a "harsh result."

Bottom line: This was a judgment call. They could have interpreted their writ authority more broadly, either on the textual grounds Judge Alcala proposed or just in the interest of justice (in the absence of legislative intent either way). So they could pick whatever outcome they wanted, and each of them did.

For my part, in retrospect, the reason this never occurred to me is that we were amending the habeas corpus statute, which generally challenges convictions from long ago for which all the inmates' direct appeals have been exhausted. And habeas can challenge both guilt/innocence and sentencing issues. That's why, though IANAL, the distinction championed by the CCA majority never occurred to me, nor to any of the numerous attorneys who vetted the bill during the process.

Though Judge Richardson called on the Legislature to change the law to allow use of the writ in the sentencing phase, in recent years, the court's demands for legislative action haven't carried much weight. (I plan a post in the near future outlining requests for legislation from several CCA dissents and concurrences.) OTOH, the Legislature in 2015 amended the junk-science writ statute to preempt meddling by the Government Always Wins faction of the court, so perhaps they'll do so again.

IN OTHER CCA NEWS:

The court granted Sonia Cacy's actual innocence writ, overturning her junk-science based arson conviction. Judge Yeary, joined by Presiding Judge Keller, was moved to write a concurrence declaring that, even though Cacy had met all the prongs of the court's "actual innocence" jurisprudence and deserved relief, he wouldn't personally use the term "actually innocent" because her innocence couldn't be demonstrably proven, all that could be shown was that all the state's alleged proof of her guilt was flawed and proved nothing. See coverage from the Dallas Morning News, the Austin Statesman, and Texas Monthly.

Just to say so, the state's compensation statute uses language from the court's "actual innocence" jurisprudence to trigger when exonerated inmates get compensation. So if Judges Yeary and Keller want to move away from that phrasing, the Lege will need to adjust the compensation statute so that it continues to pay the exonerees whom the legislature intended to get that money. This concurrence looks like the beginnings of a back-door method of thwarting legislative decisions about innocence compensation at some future date when the pair can convince three more judges to join their interpretation.

Monday, October 24, 2016

Training too late, parsing crime data, and other stories

Here are a few odds and ends which merit Grits readers attention but may not make it into independent posts:

Trooper who shot unarmed schizophrenic man should have already taken remedial training on 'Effective Decision Making'
Eva Ruth Moravec's Point of Impact series on unarmed people shot by Texas law enforcement last year has its latest installment out: the story of state trooper Timothy Keele who killed Garrett Steven McKinney, a schizophrenic man who'd been waving his arms at passing traffic by the highway. Unbeknownst to the trooper, McKinney's father had earlier dropped him off at a nearby hospital for treatment, but he never went inside. After a cordial initial encounter, McKinney allegedly sucker punched the trooper. They struggled, the trooper's arm was dislocated, and he shot the man four times.

Eva Ruth's story includes a good discussion of the training requirements at DPS related to dealing with mentally ill suspects compared to other law enforcement agencies. She also points out that new state-mandated reporting on police shootings doesn't include information on the mental health status of the victim. Speaking of training, the trooper had been "suspended without pay for one day in February 2015 and told to attend an 'Effective Decision Making' course after tracking down and scolding a 17-year-old driver who had cut him off in traffic the previous day." Trooper Keele did not take the "Effective Decision Making" course, however, until after Moravec began to inquire with the agency, with the shooting occurring during the intervening period. Could what he learned in that course have saved McKinney's life? We'll never know.

Pointing fingers over rampant use of junk science in courtroom
Judges are becoming defensive at charges they aren't performing an adequate gatekeeper function when it comes to junk forensic science. This short Pass-the-Buck essay from Kerrville District Judge Robert Barton typifies this sort of self justifying reasoning. Everyone is to blame but him for junk science in the system, even though he's the only one in the courtroom with authority to exclude it. As the Republican presidential nominee might say ... "Sad."

Surveillance matters
Grits doesn't consider racial profiling the biggest problem with widespread use of facial recognition technology by law enforcement, but you can add that to the list. One wonders if federal surveillance in Texas is increasing at the rates documented in these jurisdictions?

A call for new agency to handle capital appeals
Grits contributing writer Jennifer Laurin argued in an op ed for creating a designated appellate defender for capital cases in Texas comparable to the Office of Capital and Forensic Writs on the habeas side. Good idea. But creating a new government agency during a budget-starved session with a 2-1 Republican  majority at the Legislature seems like a heavy lift. There will be lots of other demands on the state's limited resources.

Parsing conflicting crime metrics
Soon I may have a separate post about crime rate data and its shortcomings. The two most important national sources are the Uniform Crime Reports which document "index crimes" (including most serious crimes with victims) reported to law enforcement at all levels, and the national crime victimization survey which performs in-depth public surveys with huge sample sizes and many cross-referenced questions to estimate crime victimization trends. They tend to sync up over time, but not always year to year. In September, UCR numbers came out showing murder rates are up, especially in a handful of large cities, after decades of reductions. Then this month, the new crime victimization survey shows violent crime as "flat," with all other types of crime down. "From 2014 to 2015, there was no statistically significant change in the overall violent crime rate. From 1993 to 2015, the rate of violent crime declined from 79.8 to 18.6 victimizations per 1,000 persons age 12 or older." Whichever metric you prioritize (and both have strengths and shortcomings relative to the other), crime, including violent crimes, remains at historic lows.

Sunday, October 16, 2016

Cheapskates: Defalcation of capital attorney fee sends message court devalues indigent defense

Former Gov. Rick Perry paid his lawyers upwards of $2 million to defend him against ultimately-dismissed non-capital felony charges, but the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals thinks a trial judge was reasonable in determining $48,000 was too much to pay the second chair in a capital-murder case resulting in a life-without-parole sentence.

In yet another opinion "tinged with despair," Judge Elsa Alcala's dissent, joined by Judge Larry Meyers, aptly explains how ridiculous this stance really is, showing the lawyers performed their role at a relatively "bargain" price to the state. She suggested the court's decision should come with a sign reading, "Lawyers Look Out: Judge May Not Pay for Your Work." Indeed, that language is now formally implied in every contract an attorney signs to defend an indigent capital defendant in Texas. Because the state that once brought you a sleeping lawyer in a capital-murder trial needs more disincentives for attorneys to zealously defend their clients. (/sarcasm)

A concurrence to the majority decision by outgoing Judge Cheryl Johnson argued that the attorney hadn't jumped through the right hoops to get paid, but Alcala argued that the decision ignored the record, "places form over substance," and "abrogates our responsibility as an appellate court" by failing to hold the trial judge accountable for things the law says she "shall" do but did not.

Didn't anybody (besides Alcala and Meyers) think this will contribute to the hard-to-ignore impression that the CCA indulges an institutional motive to minimize incentives for high-quality capital defense work, and that at some future point that will come back to bite them in the behind? Talk about penny wise and pound foolish!

Paying for capital defendants to have quality legal representation on the front end can prevent years of delays down the line. After all, the famous last-minute habeas filings in capital cases are mainly necessary because so many issues were never adequately raised at trial or on appeal by underpaid and sometimes underqualified attorneys. Everyone decries the fact that capital cases are mainly litigated in the habeas phase, sometimes causing capital defendants to linger on death row for decades. But this example demonstrates why: The government isn't willing to pay for an adequate defense up front, even when they're threatening to kill the defendant, and the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals is just fine with that.

Cheapskates.

Tuesday, September 20, 2016

Cash-register justice, against drug-free zones, and other stories

Here are a few odds and ends which merit Grits readers' attention while I'm focused elsewhere today:

Williamson County to allow citations for pot, DWLI
Great news: Williamson County has decided to let Round Rock police officers issue citations for low-level marijuana possession and driving with an invalid license, utilizing a 2007 statute authored by former House Corrections Chairman Jerry Madden. The move is being pitched as a pilot program which could expand to other agencies if successful.

Capital Appellate Fail
The Texas Defender Service today released a major report from our pal Amanda Marzullo on the inadequacy of the direct appeals process in capital cases. See the executive summary and the full report, as well as initial coverage from the Houston Chronicle. More on this later, perhaps, after Grits has had the chance to read it.

Guidance on operating inmate web pages
At the Electronic Frontier Foundation, Dave Maas offered guidance for people operating social media or web pages on behalf of  Texas prison inmates, after TDCJ earlier this year banned such accounts when operated by a third party.

Ticketed drivers need 'safe haven' to deal with debt
College Station muni Judge Edward Spillane had a great suggestion for encouraging drivers with outstanding tickets to come to court: "Why not encourage defendants to come to court and not be in jail by mandating legislatively or as a start courts having a policy that coming to court removes any pending warrant out of that court for misdemeanor charges on fine-only cases?" Comparing the idea to the mediaeval concept of "sanctuary" in churches, Spillane argued that "Safe Haven" legislation would reduce incarceration, encourage defendants to come to court, and "make it clear that jail is not the proper punishment for fine-only cases."

Contemplating collateral consequences
Noting that more than 7,000 felons return to Bexar County every year, the SA Express-News published a good story recently on collateral consequences from felony convictions. The gist: "Tough-on-crime policies extend well beyond harsh sentencing. There is a series of invisible sanctions we impose after the official sentence is met. People with felony records, especially drug-related cases, are legally discriminated against when seeking jobs, public housing, food assistance and student loans, not to mention voting and jury duty. One of the most harmful of these sanctions may be the discrimination of employment because a stable job with a living wage is a critical factor in keeping former convicts from relapsing into the criminal justice system."

Against 'drug-free zone' statutes
In Texas, drug offenses in a "drug-free zone" can result in lengthy mandatory minimums rivaling those for deadly weapon offenses. Texas prosecutors especially like the statute because, in the wake of earlier drug-law reforms, "keeping drug offenders in prison is becoming increasingly difficult." As other states reconsider drug free zones, eliminating that enhancement seems like a good way to stop sending a discrete class of nonviolent offenders away for super-long sentences.

Requiem for junk science
At the Wall Street Journal, Judge Alex Kozinski opined on the significance of a "new study from the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology [which] examines the scientific validity of forensic-evidence techniques—DNA, fingerprint, bitemark, firearm, footwear and hair analysis. It concludes that virtually all of these methods are flawed, some irredeemably so." Wrote Kozinski, "Some forensic methods have significant error rates and others are rank guesswork." For example, "Bitemark analysis is about as reliable as astrology."

Most police pursuits over nonviolent offenses
What crimes generate police pursuits? Very few are violent felonies.


Cash-Register Justice
An academic paper confronting debtors prison issues from earlier this year has been appended to Grits' ongoing reading list. Here's the abstract:
Criminal justice debt has aggressively metastasized throughout the criminal system. A bewildering array of fees, fines, court costs, non-payment penalties, and high interest rates have turned criminal process into a booming revenue center for state courts and corrections. As criminal justice administrative costs have skyrocketed, the burden to fund the system has fallen largely on the system’s users, primarily poor or indigent, who often cannot pay their burden. Unpaid criminal justice debt often leads to actual incarceration or substantial punitive fines, which turns rapidly into “punishment.” Such punishment at the hands of a court, bureaucracy, or private entity compromises the Sixth Amendment right to have all punishment imposed by a jury. This Article explores the netherworld of criminal justice debt and analyzes implications for the Sixth Amendment jury trial right, offering a new way to attack the problem. The specter of “cash-register justice,” which overwhelmingly affects the poor and dispossessed, perpetuates hidden inequities within the criminal justice system. I offer solutions rooted in Sixth Amendment jurisprudence.

Thursday, March 05, 2015

Pragmatic arguments the strongest for 'raise the age' proposal

In politics, wisdom counsels humility when one's opponents make true, valid arguments undermining one's position. So let's acknowledge the truth of criticisms regarding the proposal to raise the age of criminal culpability in Texas from 17 to 18, a measure endorsed in the House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee's interim report.

Over at the Texas Tribune, the Marshall Project's Maurice Chammah has a feature story on the topic, which he's covered before. Like an Austin Statesman editorial earlier this week, Chammah pins the bill's fate largely on the shoulders of Senate Criminal Justice Committee John Whitmire, a critic of the idea who recently told the Houston Chronicle, "I think at 17 you should know right from wrong.”

And you know what? Whitmire's right. I laughed aloud when I read that quote, not at the senator but at my own expense. A couple of weekends ago, my granddaughter was visiting. Following an uncharacteristically rude display toward another child, and a self aggrandizing attempt to justify it, I told her, near verbatim, "You are eight years old, you know right from wrong." And so admonished, she trundled back to issue a half-hearted apology to the slighted party.

So I'm not one to accept such excuses from kids. If I won't tolerate it from an eight year old, I've even less sympathy when you're 17 (barring mental illness or developmental disabilities). But to me, that's beside the point.

At 17, the issue isn't whether you know right from wrong, it's that you think you're right about everything, even if you're profoundly wrong. A combination of incomplete brain development and a lack of personal experience combine to create a strongly held but myopic worldview (a.k.a., immaturity).

But the most compelling reasons Texas should "raise the age" have nothing to do with one's sympathy for the defendants. Being out of kilter with federal law creates looming, practical problems: For example, Texas county jails face potentially budget busting civil litigation if they fail to comply with the strictures of the Prison Rape Elimination Act, which would require adult jails to renovate and staff up portions of their facilities where 17 year olds are held to meet the more stringent juvie standards.

Numerous other situations arise, big and small, where the disjuncture between state and federal law creates problems for front-line practitioners. In recent years, perhaps the most prominent example has been on capital punishment, where Texas having a different age from the feds has created tremendous, ongoing legal complications. The law would be cleaner and simpler if state and federal law were in synch.

Finally, I think most voters will find the normative argument put forward by the Houston Chronicle compelling: “In Texas, you have to be 21 to apply for a concealed handgun, 18 to play the lottery and 18 to get a body piercing without a parent’s consent. Yet a nearly century-old Texas law treats a 17-year-old who shoplifts an iPhone as an adult criminal.” When you can be charged with a felony as an adult but still aren't old enough to get your ears pierced without parental permission, something's amiss.

Prosecutors can always seek to certify 17 year olds as adults if they commit very serious crimes. But for the workaday stuff, it makes more sense to treat them through the juvenile system, just like the overwhelming majority of other states and prevailing federal law. Not because they don't know right from wrong, but because we do.

Thursday, November 06, 2014

Habeas writs highlight withheld evidence in capital case, drug prosecution shortfalls

Harris County isn't the only place where folks are coerced into plea deals for drug offenses when the crime lab report later reveals they did not, in fact, possess any drugs. Yesterday's Texas Court of Criminal Appeals hand down list includes another such a case out of Wharton County. MORE: A reader reminds me the Statesman covered this topic back in April, detailing numerous, similar cases around the state.

Also on yesterday's hand down list: The CCA granted a habeas writ from capital murder defendant Alfred Brown out of Harris County, finding that "the State withheld evidence that was both favorable and material to applicant's case in violation of Brady" in his 2005 capital murder trial. The Harris DA's office under the late Mike Anderson agreed the prosecutor withheld evidence. Lisa Falkenberg, who has been covering the case at the Houston Chronicle, reports that the prosecutor in question was Dan Rizzo, who says the concealed evidence supporting Brown's alibi was an honest mistake. I'm sure then, in the state bar's eyes, that will mean "no harm [except to Alfred Brown], no foul."

Thursday, August 21, 2014

Former TDCJ flak Michelle Lyons profiled: Witnessed 278 executions

At Texas Monthly, Pam Colloff has a profile of former TDCJ flak Michelle Lyons titled, "The Witness," focused mainly on the 278 executions Lyons witnessed as part of her job before her termination/resignation in 2012. Lyons still supports the death penalty but the experience made her more thoughtful about the issue than most folks. She told Colloff:
I came to believe that there were two kinds of people on death row. ... You had guys who were true sociopaths. A lot of them fell into that category. And then you had guys who’d gotten themselves into a bad situation—running with a rough crowd, abusing alcohol, doing drugs. Maybe they robbed a store to get money for drugs and something went wrong and they shot the clerk. They’d had a choice to make, and they’d made the wrong one, but they hadn’t set out with the intention of killing someone.
The story also included this brief aside about the agency's shift away from transparency in the last decade: "TDCJ itself was changing. Under the leadership of a new executive director, Brad Livingston, who was appointed in 2005, the agency had grown more skittish about media attention, and Michelle’s attempts to grant access to journalists or be proactive about press coverage were increasingly discouraged."

The agency's leadership became even more insular and averse to transparency after Lyons left. Where previously one could call and ask for a document and frequently the Public Information Office would just email it to you, today everything must be done via open records requests, takes forever, and often one comes away feeling like information was withheld. (One could say the same thing for Texas DPS under Col. Steve McCraw, btw.)

No real conclusions to draw or policies to recommend from Colloff's story and it won't change anyone's mind about the death penalty one way or the other. But it was a good read.

Tuesday, August 19, 2014

Max Soffar’s Last Appeal

Michael Berryhill chairs the journalism department at Texas Southern University. He asked Grits to publish this extended guest post by him on the Max Soffar capital murder case, which also inspired this recent Dallas Morning News editorial. Soffar, who for decades has maintained his innocence and may have falsely confessed, is terminally ill and likely will not survive until his execution. While on paper he has many years' worth of appeals left before the state can kill him, as a practical matter he probably has just a few months remaining to prove his innocence before death overtakes him.

Mr. Berryhill is also the author of The Trials of Eroy Brown, the Murder Case that Shook the Texas Prison System, published by the University of Texas Press. Here's his article in full, with only minor copyediting by yours truly.

* * *

On the last Wednesday of July, a death row convict named Max Soffar gave what may well be his last news interview. Soffar, who is 59, has spent most of the last 34 years insisting he falsely confessed to helping another man kill three teenagers at a Houston bowling alley in 1980.  

Harris County prosecutors, the leading experts in the nation at winning death penalty verdicts, insisted that no matter what his written confession said, Soffar acted alone. Although there is not a shred of physical evidence that links Max Soffar to the murders, not a trace of blood, not a hair, not a fingerprint, not a gun, not a getaway car, they have twice convicted him of shooting a young woman, one of the three victims of an execution-style murder and robbery.

 Soffar was convicted once in 1981, and after he won a second trial because of his ineffective lawyers, a second time in 2006. During the final arguments, one of Soffar’s prosecutors gloated to the jury that his lawyers “didn’t bring you any evidence that someone other than the defendant committed this crime.”

That is particularly galling to Soffar because the Harris County prosecutors and his judge, Mary Lou Keel of the 232nd District Court, did everything necessary to keep the jury from hearing a plausible story about who really committed the bowling alley murders. Now Soffar’s appeal lawyer has turned up a reliable witness who has identified a convicted mass killer of seven people as being present at the Houston bowling alley a week before the murders.

“I hope my federal judge in Houston will let me put this witness on,” Soffar said. “He was the one who saw this murderer in the bowling alley.”

Soffar’s lawyers need to hurry up to get that hearing, not because Soffar faces impending execution, but because he is terminally ill with liver cancer and has from five to eight months to live, maybe less. So many questions surround Soffar’s conviction, which a judge for the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals has called “fishy,” that he has never been scheduled for execution.  Soffar has many years of appeals left: to the federal district court, to the Fifth Circuit panel of three judges, to the nine judges of the Fifth Circuit en banc, and to the Supreme Court. Such appeals could go on for several years. But Soffar is out of time.

Soffar’s current pro bono appeals lawyer, Andrew Horne, has been feverishly working on new writs: an appeal for clemency from the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles and Governor Rick Perry, and an appeal for an expedited hearing from the Southern District Federal Court. The odds of winning clemency for a twice-convicted capital murderer in Texas from Perry, who is preparing to campaign for president, are about zero.  The petition for an expedited federal hearing for a terminally ill inmate breaks new legal ground, Horne told me. He said he hasn’t found any precedent for it.  But he wants his client to have one more chance to clear his name before he dies.

Horne, a young Scot with a Harvard law degree from the international firm of Kirkland and Ellis, has spent the last six years and millions of dollars of his employer’s money to investigate Soffar’s complicated case. The files alone fill sixty boxes in a small room at his firm’s offices in midtown Manhattan.  He had been warned that in a case that has been litigated for thirty years by dozens of lawyers, the chances were slim he would find something new.  

Vowing to touch every piece of paper connected with the case, he found a witness that anyone with a sense of fairness (but perhaps not a judge or a Harris County prosecutor) would want to hear. He was a bowling alley employee named Patrick Pye, and two of his friends died that weekend. The case was widely publicized: it was a cold-blooded execution of some helpless teenagers that horrified the city.

On July 15, the Monday after the weekend killings, Pye told police that he and one of the bowling alley employees who was killed had a “run-in” with a white man at the bowling alley a week before the murders. The man bowled alone and drank alone, Pye told Horne, and he and Steve Sims had thrown him out for not paying.

“Pye stated that he got a phone call from this man,” the police report days, “who stated, ‘You better be watching over your shoulder.’  Pye stated that he thought he would be able to id this man if he saw him again.”

Even 28 years later, Pye could identify him as Paul Dennis Reid, the man with the droopy eyes, from a wedding photo taken a couple of weeks after the murders. 

If the Houston police had followed up on Pye’s story, they might have found Reid. For one thing, he had a criminal record. But more importantly, he resembled a police sketch of the murderer, drawn with the help of a surviving witness, Greg Garner. Garner lost an eye when he was shot in the back of the head, but he had a strong recall of how the robbery happened. Detectives interviewed Garner seven times, recording and transcribing the interviews, and even hypnotizing him to see if he could retrieve further details. It had happened quickly. There was one man, not two. The man said his truck had overheated and he needed water. He had a gun. He made them lie down. He said “good-bye,” and shot them one after another.

Garner remembered a single, mild-mannered robber who was white, beardless, muscular and more than six feet tall. His hair was parted down the middle, covered his ears and was down to his collar. It fit Reid. Within a few of days of the murders, Houston newspapers and television stations were circulating this drawing:

It was this drawing that led to Max Soffar’s downfall. A reward of $15,000 was offered for the arrest of the killer, and Soffar had a crazy notion that his running buddy and partner in burglaries and drugs resembled the drawing closely enough that he could turn him in for the bowling alley murders and collect the reward. It didn’t matter that his buddy was bigger and rounder than the drawing indicated, and wore mutton-chop sideburns. Max thought he looked just like the image.

“My sister, I told her I was going to do it,” Soffar recalled, “ and she said, ‘Max, don’t do that, because if you do, then you’re gonna get in trouble.’ And I’m thinking how am I gonna get in trouble? I’m telling them he did the murders…. I said ‘They’re going to listen to me and they’re going to give me that money.’ She said, ‘You’re crazy.’”

Thinking back 34 years, Soffar sighed, and said, “I guess I should have listened to my sister.”

From birth Soffar had problems. He was the adopted son of a drug-using mother, and both his liver and brain were damaged from fetal alcohol syndrome. He was an impulsive and difficult child who beat his head against the wall His parents had little idea of how to raise him. Soffar’s adoptive father was a remote, alcoholic owner of a second-hand furniture shop in Alvin, who beat Max when he was little. His mother was a hoarder, who kept the house filled with so much junk and stacks of newspapers that a person could barely walk through the house.

From an early age he sniffed glue and gasoline. When he was 9, his parents had him committed to the Austin State Hospital, where he was often kept naked and terrified in a padded cell. He was given electroshock treatments and dosed with powerful anti-psychotic drugs.  (At his second trial, in order to assert Soffar’s future dangerousness, prosecutors falsely claimed he had been criminally confined, which created another point of appeal. During his long confinement in death row, Soffar has never been a threat to the inmates or correctional officers.)

When he came back home to Friendswood, his parents couldn’t control him. He smoked marijuana, sniffed glue, and took methamphetamine and other drugs. He dropped out of school at the seventh grade. He worked as a truck driver for a while. In 1980, he was living at his parents’ home, unemployed, committing burglaries, stealing cars and motorcycles, and taking whatever drugs he could find.

Galveston County sheriff’s officers got to know him well, and for the most part, Max liked the attention.  With no authority figures at home, he looked up to the police. He even helped them by ratting out drug dealers. Once in a while he made fifty bucks as a drug informant for the Galveston sheriff’s office. He had a friend there, a detective named Bruce Clawson. Clawson thought of Max as having the mind of a 12-year-old, and testified that he never swore out a warrant on the basis of one of Max’s stories, which could be lurid and exaggerated. Max learned that the wilder the story, the more attention he could get.

That’s how he came up with the idea of turning in a friend for the reward money. It was going to be his big score. When he was arrested riding a stolen motorcycle three weeks after the murders, he was high on drugs. The cop who arrested him told Max he was going to see he got thrown in prison for life for being a habitual criminal. Soffar decided he wasn’t going to spend life in prison for a stolen motorcycle.  He had already bragged to a couple of drug dealers and that he and his buddy had done the bowling alley murders. Now he had something big to offer the cops. He figured he would soon be home with $15,000 in reward money.

The Houston police and an assistant district attorney came to League City to listen. When Soffar balked at talking to them, they brought in his handler, Bruce Clawson, to get him to open up. Many years after Soffar’s first conviction, Clawson expressed regret about how he had misled Soffar. Soffar had routinely waived his Miranda rights after they were read to him, but when a suspect refuses to talk, that’s a sign under some legal interpretations that the interview should end, and the suspect wants a lawyer. Soffar asked Clawson what was involved in getting a lawyer and how soon it would take him to get one. Maybe a day, maybe thirty days, Clawson said. Clawson advised him that if he was guilty of the crime, he should talk to the police; if he was innocent, he should get a lawyer. I guess I’m on my own, Soffar told Clawson. Later, when Clawson observed a Houston detective questioning Soffar about the murders, he concluded that Soffar didn’t know a thing about the crime, that the police were feeding him details that would lead to his conviction.

It took police three days for the Houston police to get the confession they wanted. In his first signed statement, Soffar said he was waiting outside in the get-away car while his partner robbed the bowling alley and shot the teenagers. The next day, at the urging of the detectives, he said he went inside and watched his partner do the killing.

But forget about the partner. Harris County did. The son of a Houston police detective, he was hauled to the police station and appears to have invoked his Miranda rights successfully. His car and apartment were searched and nothing was found to link him to the crime. Greg Garner, the surviving witness, couldn’t pick him out of a lineup as the killer. He couldn’t identify Soffar, either. No record of the partner’s police interrogation survived, except a scrap of yellow legal paper that says, “Suspect is crying.” He was never indicted, because unlike Max Soffar, he never confessed.

It would have helped Soffar’s case if police had tape-recorded their interrogations of him. His case has been used as an example for legislation requiring that they do. Police had the technology at the time, but seem to have used it only when it suited their purposes.  (They recorded their interviews with Garner, for example.) Instead they talked to Soffar for hours, drove him to the bowling alley where he inaccurately described the crime, and wrote up statements for him to sign. By the third day of interrogation, Soffar was ready to say whatever he thought would get the process to end. And the police needed to charge him or let him go. Soffar told me he kept making up stories about buried guns and bodies that were so wild he thought the police would figure out that all he told was lies and that he knew nothing about the crime.

On the third day, the detectives told him he couldn’t say he had just witnessed the murders. He had to say he helped out. They had already cut his supposed partner loose. Soffar signed a statement in which he said his partner ordered him to participate in the killing. After shooting two of the men, the partner threw the loaded handgun across the room to Soffar and told him he had to shoot the last two. Soffar signed a statement  saying that first he shot one of the men. Next came the chilling sentences that led to his convictions:

“I walked around the other side of them and hesitated, and [he] said, ‘Shoot her.’ She had her face down and she just looked up at me and I aimed and turned my head and shot her. I think I hit her in the cheek.”

Prosecutors have claimed that this is a detail that only the killer could know, even though it published in the first Houston Post story the day after the crime. Soffar says he didn’t get the detail from the newspaper but from the police detectives.

Soffar said one of the detectives asked him,  “’Why did you shoot the girl in the face and everybody else in the back of the head or the side of the head? ‘ And that’s how I knew that Arden Alane Felsher had been shot in the face. That key element put into one of the statements and that’s how they hammered me into death row right there.”

More than one judge had observed that Soffar’s confession is all there is to this case, and none of it matches the surviving witness’s account.

In 2002 a rock-ribbed conservative judge for the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, Howard DeMoss, read Clawson’s affidavit and concluded that Soffar had indeed asked for a lawyer, not about a lawyer.  He and a second judge concluded that Soffar’s confessions had been illegally obtained and violated the Miranda act.

Had the court thrown out the confession as a violation of the Fifth Amendment , the state would have had no case because it had no physical evidence. The state appealed, and in a kind of tradeoff, the Fifth Circuit ruled that Soffar deserved a new trial because his court-appointed lawyer, the infamously casual Joe Cannon, known for sleeping during trial, had ineffectively defended him.

Then came the second trial in 2006, 24 years after the first conviction. It must have seemed strange to the jury to hear a case that old, with no mention ever made of the previous conviction.

Soffar’s defense team had a witness named Stewart Cook who had partnered with Paul Reid in a series of armed robberies. With Reid in Tennessee death row for killing seven restaurant workers in two different robberies, Cook thought he would write a book about Reid, a boyhood friend.  Cook signed an affidavit stating that Reid had told him he had committed the bowling alley murders. But Cook never went before the jury because the Harris County district attorney threatened to prosecute him for murder if he testified. 

Judge Mary Lou Keel would not let the Tennessee police detective who helped convict Reid testify about how closely the Tennessee murders resembled the bowling alley murders. She concluded they weren’t that similar. Nor would she let the defense show jurors how many of the details of the murder had been widely publicized on television and in newspapers.

When Garner testified, which he had not at the first trial, he couldn’t remember much.  The clean-shaven murderer with hair to his collar that he described to police did not resemble Soffar, who had a full beard and mustache and hair down to his shoulders.

The prosecutors said he had grown it after the murders. Besides, how accurate could Garner have been? He had been shot in the head, lost an eye and suffered brain damage.

Soffar’s defense was gutted.

His prosecutor argued that the confession was all the jury needed: “Why in the world would anybody ever do that, unless they did that or more and the answer is you wouldn’t. You wouldn’t say that. You wouldn’t make an admission. You wouldn’t say I shot Alane Felsher in the cheek…”

This was a masterful use of the word you. Most people are baffled by false confessions. They can’t imagine doing such a thing. The jury can’t imagine such a thing. And yet it happens all the time. More than one person confessed to the bowling-alley murders besides Soffar. He was a mental patient who was living with his mother. A study of exonerations holds that false confessions play a role in 25 percent of the cases.

One of the people who knows about false confessions is a judge of the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, Cathy Cochran, who wrote a concurrent opinion about Soffar’s case. She cited some of the better known cases such as the Central Park Five, the subjects of a documentary movie by Ken Burns, and the Norfolk Four, subjects of a book, The Wrong Guys. Four of the Central Park Five were minors, held without legal or parental help and coerced into confessing to a brutal rape and beating that left a jogger unconscious. When the real rapist confessed, insisting he had acted alone, and his DNA matched with the rape kit, New York police refused to concede their mistake. In the Norfolk, Virginia, case, four sailors confessed to raping and murdering a young married woman in a small apartment. The physical evidence of the scene contradicted the theory of a gang rape. None of the sailors’ DNA matched the rape kit. The real rapist, whose DNA confirmed he was the criminal, confessed and said he acted alone, but again police insisted that anyone who confessed must be guilty.

In the Kafkaesque world of criminal appeals, Cochran concurred with the rest of the court that Soffar had no legal grounds for a new trial, writing: “...although I personally do not have great confidence in the reliability or accuracy of applicant’s written statements and hence in his culpability for the triple murders, I was not the chosen fact finder. Applicant’s experienced and extremely capable counsel presented the jury with all of the information it needed to decide that applicant made a false confession and that he was not involved in the bowling-alley murders. The jury rejected that factual conclusion, as it was entitled to do.”

But the jury had never heard an alternate theory to the case. It was excluded. All they had was the painful choice of convicting Soffar or letting him go. They couldn’t tell the judge that they had a reasonable doubt because they had never heard of Paul Reid.

When prosecutor Lynn McClellan retired, he told the Houston Chronicle that sending Max Soffar to death row a second time was the highlight of his career. He had read about the case when he was in law school, and hoped he would do something similar some day. It appears he missed what could have been a major triumph, admitting a mistake and prosecuting Paul Reid instead.

After Andrew Horne took on Soffar’s appeals six years ago, he asked the Harris County office for conviction review to consider Soffar’s case, but he never heard back. A couple of years later when he was in Houston and asked about the oversight, he recalls a prosecutor telling him, “Max is not a poster boy for innocence.”

He lacks what could be called the Harrison Ford factor. Ford played an innocent doctor in the movie The Fugitive. The character is a handsome, intelligent, educated man without a trace of bad behavior. He’s more like Michael Morton, the kind of innocent man who gets the most attention, the kind we can identify with. Max was not a good young man. He admitted to being a thief, a drug addict and a rapist. He tried to turn in a friend for a reward. Prison has changed him for the better, he said.

“I was a Class A knucklehead when I got there,” he said. “I got beat pretty severely because I would not conform to the rules and regulations. But those were lessons where I learned to respect the authority of those around me.

“I’ve learned an awful lot behind these bars for 35 years. I’ve met a lot of interesting people. I’ve met a lot of truly dangerous, crazy people. I’ve met a lot of good people. I wouldn’t change it for the world. I wouldn’t change it for the world because if I had changed it, I would be dead. Because I had a habit of sticking a needle in my arm and stealing from my own mom and daddy, and lying to people and doing things I shouldn’t have been doing. I surely wouldn’t have survived. No way.”

His liver cancer grew out of his battle with Hepatitis C, he said, which came from his needle use. Last December surgeons at John Sealy Hospital in Galveston removed tumors from his liver. Recently the pain came back, for which he is being given morphine.

“They told me I had this portal vein tumor,” he said. “It’s inoperable. Even a liver transplant wouldn’t save me. No hospital in the world can do anything for me.”

On August 11, Horne appealed to the Texas Board of Pardon and Paroles to commute Soffar’s sentence to life and free him from death row for what little is left of his life.  That would distinguish him from Paul Dennis Reid, who refused to talk to Soffar’s lawyers about the bowling alley murders.  Reid died of a heart attack last spring in Tennessee’s death row.  

Soffar could choose to move to the prison hospital at the Estelle Unit in Huntsville, but that would mean leaving behind his radio, his legal papers, and all of his belongings, including letters from the Swiss woman he married three years ago, and who visits him every six weeks.  Bad as conditions are for death row inmates, if he can’t be freed, he would rather stay put.

“I’d rather lie right there in my cell,” he said, pointing in the direction of his block at the Polunsky Unit, “and die right where I grew up.”

MORE: A columnist for the Houston Chronicle, Lisa Gray, reacted to this post with an article titled, "Will an innocent man die on Texas' death row?"

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