Showing posts with label CCA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CCA. Show all posts

Thursday, March 07, 2024

Texas District Attorney, CCA races and the future of Texas criminal-justice reform

The ouster of Kim Ogg in Houston and the re-election of José Garza in Austin -- coupled with the ouster of 3 members of the Government Always Wins faction on the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals -- signal a sea change in criminal-justice reform politics in Texas compared to a decade ago.

Increasingly, Democrats in Texas' largest counties favor reform and in both Harris and Travis made decisive choices for progressive candidates. This is a big switch from just a few cycles ago (e.g., when Kim Ogg herself was puzzlingly touted as a "progressive").

Meanwhile, Ken Paxton's slate of candidates who ousted Sharon Keller, Barbara Hervey and Michelle Slaughter are united in their willingness to overturn 150+ years of constitutional precedent to let the AG usurp authority of local prosecutors. The legal position for which Keller et. al. are being punished has been nontroversial in living memory. Now, insanely, it's considered a right-wing apostasy.

In essence, 3 stalwarts from the court's Government Always Wins faction have been replaced with members of a newly formed Lawlessness Caucus. God help anyone who thought things couldn't get worse!

For 2 decades, through about 2019, criminal-justice reform in Texas was a bipartisan issue -- evidence in favor of the "horseshoe theory" of politics in which left and right bend toward another at the extremes, creating opportunities for alliances between them against the political middle. 

But the latter days of the Trump administration, pandemic-era protests, and ultimately, the J6 uprising broke up that coalition, elevating culture-war issues above pragmatism. "Small government" conservatives increasingly were ousted as a more radical, Big Government Conservatism came to characterize the right in the late Trumpist era.

These trends reinforce my sense that nearly all signficant opportunities in Texas on criminal-justice reform in the near term will come at the local level, with state-level politics nearly impenetrable at the moment given the characters and ideologies at the top of the GOP food chain.

The only issue I see on the horizon that could buck that trend may be transparency. Conservative leaders from several camps appear to be coalescing around the issue as a priority for 2025, even if criminl-justice topics may not be at the top of the to-do list. Still, after the Uvalde inquiry, there's more of an opening on this subject than any other. If we witness anything like bipartisan #cjreform legislation in 2025, I'd bet dollars to donuts that'll be the topic.

Otherwise, to everything there is a season, a time for every purpose unto heaven. Judging from the tea leaves, criminal-justice reformers should focus on local issues for now, and 2025 at the #txlege will be a season for stepping up on defense.

Wednesday, April 22, 2020

Defense pushback against Kim Ogg's contention that judges can't consider COVID

Last week, Grits wrote about a unusual motion to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals from Harris County District Attorney Kim Ogg arguing for higher bail in the case of Timothy Singleton, in which the DA asked the court to rule that judges could not consider issues related to the coronavirus when setting bail. After initially turning her down, Singleton allegedly committed another offense, this time, domestic violence against his girlfriend and her grandmother, and fled. The DA again asked the CCA to intervene, and this time the court required the bond be set at $100,000, although they did not mention nor affirm the DA's contention the judges couldn't consider public health issues during bail decisions.

Now, though, Mr. Singleton has hired counsel, Brent Mayr and Stanley Schneider, who on 4/20 issued a motion for reconsideration to the CCA. The Houston Chronicle's St. John Barned-Smith provided coverage here. Their brief provides a great example why one doesn't get a full story in the courtroom unless both sides get to make arguments.

For example, the DA's brief had not informed the CCA that the pretrial risk assessment instrument magistrates use to guide release decisions scored Singleton at a level suggesting a "Personal Bond Recommendation referred to Magistrate." That would have been useful information to give them, don't you think? The DA recommended no bail, and the magistrate set bail at $500.

The Chronicle story mentioned a few other items from the defense brief that the DA had omitted, including the magistrate's specific reason for her decision:
Court records show the magistrate noted that police did not find any gun when they investigated the allegation against Singleton. His bond paperwork also shows police did not appear to have spoken to any other witnesses, and that Singleton had not missed any court appearances in the two years prior to the incident. 
Magistrate Jennifer Gaut also ordered him not to have contact with the man he was accused of threatening.
Gaut also conditioned his release on complying with curfew restrictions. So, while the DA's brief accused the magistrate of ignoring the state's recitation of Singleton's criminal history, and pretended her sole concern was a desire not to "fill up the jail," clearly she was looking more closely than they gave her credit for at the evidence being presented in the current case, and was following the recommendation of the pretrial risk assessment, which was never mentioned in the state's brief to the CCA.

Attorneys and others closely following bail debates will want to read and digest the analysis in the defense brief, which goes through the relevant statutes governing increasing bail much more thoroughly than did the state's. They claim "The state plays fast and loose with its citations to authority in its motion."

The alleged authority to have the CCA raise the bail amount relied on a statute that only applies to examining trials, argued the defense, while ignoring a more-on-point statute which declares that, once a defendant "has given bail for his appearance in answer to criminal charges, he shall not be required to give another bond in the course of the same criminal action" unless the judge or magistrate "in whose court such action is pending" finds the bond is defective, excessive, or insufficient, or the sureties provided are "not acceptable." Under that statute, the CCA plays no role.

They quoted back to the CCA its own holdings on statutory construction that when "a general statute and a more detailed enactment are in conflict, the latter will prevail." They contend that the statute the DA relied upon, Article 16.16 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, "is a general statute that applies when there is an examining trial and bail in that limited context is found to be insufficient. Article 17.09, however, is much more detailed and provides an explicit prohibition on a defendant having to give another bond. And it limits the authority to require a defendant to be rearrested and give another bond to the judge or magistrate who the matter is pending before."

The defense cited precedent in which Judge Michael Keasler, who is still on the CCA, disallowed judges besides those authorized in Article 17 from changing bail amounts, lamenting this would lead to a system where "all judges have jurisdiction over all things at all times. and where forum shopping to reduce or increase bail amounts flourishes." According to the defense brief, "The action taken by the state here is absolutely no different and for this Court to entertain such action would put it squarely in conflict with this precedent." If the CCA ignores this longstanding precedent, they warn, "the floodgates will open" and appellate courts will be inundated with back-and-forth motions on bail that would "create an endless cycle."

The defense brief iterates that a court's bail decisions may only be reviewed on appeal for "abuse of discretion," and cites precedent that "an appellate court must not substitute its own judgment for that of the trial court and must uphold the trial court's ruling if it is within the zone of reasonable disagreement." Given that the pretrial risk assessment relied upon by magistrates recommended Mr. Singleton receive a personal bond, granting low bail appears to this non-attorney observer as per se within this "zone of reasonable disagreement."

The defense concluded,
Let there be no mistake about what the State is doing here: they are complaining about the decision of the magistrate and the trial court setting bail in this case. The State has no right to appeal a trial court’s decision to set bond. Nor could they seek a writ of mandamus or prohibition. And, yet they are asking this Court to review the trial court’s decision with no record, no findings of fact, nothing more than conclusory affidavits.
Finally, the defense brief addressed the DA's novel argument that courts are disallowed from considering health concerns when setting bail. They argued that concerns about limiting incarceration due to the coronavirus falls directly under the court's authority to consider the "future safety of ... the community," which is explicitly a factor statutes contemplate when judges set bail.

As Grits mentioned the other day, the Harris County jail is struggling more than any other lockup in the state with the coronavirus outbreak, which places not only inmates but jailers and the community at large at risk. Future safety of the community is a broad concept, and nothing in the statute limits how judges should define it. Seems like a pretty strong argument to me.

The Houston Chronicle coverage pointed out how unusual was both the state's motion and the CCA's rapid response to it:
Courthouse veterans said the move was surprising for both the speed with which the CCA ruled on the case, and the judges' decision to set Singleton’s bail above what prosecutors had initially asked for. 
[Harris County Public Defender Alex] Bunin said that when defendants ask the CCA to reduce their bond, the court can take months — or longer — to act. 
“It seems more like they are trying to send a message than create law,” Bunin said, of the appellate judges. “But it’s an unclear message other than ‘don’t set low bonds unless you have somebody with no criminal history and a history of appearing in court when asked.’”
There's no telling how the CCA will react to this new motion, or how quickly. With the Government-Always-Wins faction currently in firm control of the court, one wouldn't be surprised if they side with the District Attorney no matter what. The GAW majority on the court tends to be outcome oriented, first deciding what they want the result to be and then searching out legal arguments to support it instead of interpreting the law and having that decide the outcome. But because that approach would fly in the face of past CCA precedents that benefited the state, in particular a key precedent authored by a GAW judge who's still on the court, it could become a much closer call.

Regardless, Grits finds this debate fascinating. I'm learning a lot from it.

Wednesday, April 15, 2020

Harris County DA: Judges cannot consider health issues as part of pretrial release decisions.

We're still waiting for the Supreme Court of Texas to rule whether Governor Greg Abbott's executive order on COVID-related jail releases is valid (see Grits' writeup here).

In the meantime, though, Harris County District Attorney Kim Ogg has filed an "emergency motion" with the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals arguing that judges do not have authority under the Code of Criminal Procedure to consider "public health matters," including the risks associated with people catching the coronavirus in jail, when they make bail determinations. Her motion opined that:
A concern over COVID-19, and an extra-judicial desire to not “fill the jail up”, entered into Singleton’s bail determination. This was improper.  
Article 17.15 lacks a “catch-all” to permit consideration of public health matters, nor does any existing case law. In addition, nothing in this Court’s First Emergency Order Regarding the COVID-19 State of Disaster, Misc. Docket No. 20-007, permits a court to circumvent art. 17.15. 
The case involves a 31-year old black man named Timothy Singleton who allegedly pointed a gun at someone who allegedly owed him money and threatened to kill him if the man didn't pay. According to the DA's court filing, "Singleton has prior felony convictions for Assault—Family Member, Retaliation, Robbery, Credit Card Abuse, and Delivery of a Controlled Substance." The DA's office wanted a $50,000 bond set, which would mean he'd need to come up with $5,000 for a bail bondsman to be released pretrial.

Singleton's case has been touted widely in the local media and clearly the DA's office hopes to use it to set a precedent stopping judges from considering coronavirus-related issues altogether.

It's worth mentioning that bail is intended only to ensure the defendant shows up in court, it is not supposed to be a punishment. To that end, it's notable that, in fact, Mr. Singleton DID show back up to court so the DA could argue to raise his bail, making it a somewhat dubious claim that the bail amount was too low to get him to come back. (See the second update below)

Regardless of the merits of bail arguments in this particular case, Ogg's is a more regressive stance, even, than the governor's executive order, which did in fact include a catch-all for "health or medical" issues.

By filing this motion, the DA's office is seeking an arrest warrant for the bailed defendant. She quoted this passage from the CCP on that score:
Where it is made to appear by affidavit to a judge of the Court of Criminal Appeals, a justice of a court of appeals, or to a judge of the district or county court, that the bail taken in any case is insufficient in amount, or that the sureties are not good for the amount, or that the bond is for any reason defective or insufficient, such judge shall issue a warrant of arrest, and require of the defendant sufficient bond and security, according to the nature of the case.
I understand the DA's Office is used to getting its way on these matters, but the Code of Criminal Procedure gives judges the authority to call these shots, not her. The Court of Criminal Appeals, however, can overrule local magistrates (if Ogg's reading of the statute is correct - I am not an attorney). And considering the Government-Always-Wins faction of the court currently holds a solid five-member majority on that body, your correspondent fears they may use this opportunity to enact a sweeping precedent.

Attorney Emily Gerrick from the Texas Fair Defense Project pointed out via text that "it's so exceedingly clear that they are not at all worried about wealthy people who might be violent." That's exactly right. Kim Ogg obviously isn't worried about Singleton getting out if he has $5K to pay a bail bondsman. Only poor people should stay locked up pretrial, according to her logic (which incidentally, is similar to, if more regressive than, the governor's logic in his executive order).

This petition comes on the heels of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice announcing it will no longer accept new prison inmates from county jails. So if Ogg prevails and judges cannot consider health issues when determining pretrial release, Texas county jails may quickly find themselves in a full-blown crisis, unable to limit new incarceration due to the coronavirus on the front end and unable to ship people to prison once their cases have been adjudicated.

UPDATE: The Court of Criminal Appeals denied Ogg's motion, declaring she must first pursue it through the Court of Appeals before they would hear it. Thanks to Keri Blakinger for the heads up.

NUTHER UPDATE (4/16): I have been informed today that Mr. Singleton has allegedly engaged in an act of domestic violence (4/17: here's news coverage) while out on bail and is now on the lam. To be clear, I wasn't arguing whether this particular person should or shouldn't have been released. (I know nothing of the case beyond Kim Ogg's motion.) My main concern is what I consider an irresponsible argument from the DA that judges cannot consider health issues when assigning bail.

Wednesday, January 22, 2020

Federal judge annoyed with Travis DA for recalcitrance on innocence case

Rosa Jimenez, the Austin babysitter wrongly convicted of murdering a child in her care 17 years ago, is likely innocent and should be released, four different judges (two federal, two state) have now declared, despite a Texas Court of Criminal Appeals ruling to the contrary. But Travis County DA Margaret Moore insists she intends to re-try Jimenez, and with Attorney General Ken Paxton has petitioned the courts to stay her release. At the Austin Statesman, Chuck Lindell recorded part of the exchange:
the judge turned to Travis County officials in his downtown Austin courtroom.
“Is it my understanding that (District Attorney) Margaret Moore is hot to retry this case? Really?” [magistrate Judge Andrew] Austin asked. 
“We are prepared to retry the case and have informed the victim’s family of the potential of retrying the case,” said Beverly Mathews, director of the special victims unit in the Travis County district attorney’s office. 
“Has she read the four different judge’s orders who said they think it’s likely that an innocent woman has been sitting in jail for 17 years?” Austin asked, adding that the now-retired judge who presided over Jimenez’s trial, Jon Wisser, also concluded that there was a substantial likelihood that Jimenez was not guilty. 
“Margaret Moore really wants a retrial?” he asked again, shaking his head. 
“It is my understanding that she is willing to retry this case,” Mathews replied.
Such a trial would not expected to begin for at least a year, she added.
Grits was in the courtroom when this exchange occurred. Judge Austin was visibly surprised, bordering on amazed, that the Travis County DA wanted one last pound of flesh.

Soon after Lindell's story was published (KXAN was the only other media outlet there to cover it), a local criminal-justice reform advocate I know approached Moore about the case. She told him she planned to talk to the victim's family and there was more to the case than he knew.

My question: Is there more than the 4 judges knew, and if so, why didn't her office present that information in court? It's a 17-year-old case, what could they possibly be holding back?

Adding to Judge Austin's annoyance, an attorney for the AG's office (who represents the state in federal court) wanted to bicker with him about a technicality related to ICE holds. But Austin is a magistrate judge who hears immigration cases all the time. He is an in-the-weeds expert on the topic while the AG's lawyer admitted he had not investigated nor studied any of the processes on which he was opining. Finally, the judge gruffly told him to sit down and stop talking.

Judge Austin's order particularly singled out for disapprobation the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, which had denied Jimenez's writ:
In doing so, it failed to recognize the extent of defense counsel’s errors and the significant reasons the jury’s verdict is not worthy of confidence. The Court of Criminal Appeals’ decision is both contrary to federal law and involved the unreasonable, if not outright incorrect, application of that law. Its decision was also based on several factual determinations that were plainly unreasonable in light of the record before the state court.
This, my friends, is what's known as a bench slapping.

At the state-habeas level, the district court had recommended approving the habeas petition, in part because of the evidence but also because of ineffective assistance of counsel. The latter was alleged because the defense did not put on expert witnesses to counter the team of expert testifiers put on by the state. But her attorney responded that that was because the judge wouldn't approve funds. In an affidavit submitted to the court, he wrote:
During my pre-trial preparations, I met with Judge [Jon Wisser] to ask for additional funds to retain experts such as Dr. McGeorge and a biomechanical expert. I explained to the judge why we needed these experts, and that I did not think that my current team was adequate to counter the State’s case. Judge [Wisser] told me that he had authorized more experts than usual in a noncapital case, and that he would not pay for any more expert assistance regardless of my need. Based on the judge’s ruling, I was forced to work within the constraints imposed by the Court. Ms. Jimenez was indigent, and I could not afford to hire these experts out of pocket.
So in this case, the defendant's inability to challenge what turned out to be flawed scientific testimony from the state was really an institutional failure of the indigent defense system as much as a failure of forensics per se.

Grits mentions this because, although DA Margaret Moore will draw most of the attention on this case because she's the one choosing to keep Jimenez incarcerated, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, the trial court in Austin, and really the entire system is culpable for what happened here.

Friday, January 17, 2020

Parole board now Joe Bryan's only hope after TX CCA's shameful rejection of his habeas writ

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals' rejection of Joe Bryan's habeas corpus writ may rank as its most embarrassing moment since the 1990s when they refused to recognize DNA evidence exonerating Roy Criner. That episode spurred the Legislature to intervene in 2001 to create a vehicle for DNA exonerations. Will their arrogant, unexplained rejection of Bryan's claims earn a similar backlash?

Bryan's case rose to national prominence after two key events: 1) in 2018, the Texas Forensic Science Commission used it to identify flaws in the overstated way blood-spatter evidence is presented to juries, and 2) Pamela Colloff, an already legendary journalist who cut her teeth covering Texas innocence cases, authored a 22,000 word, two-part cover story for the New York Times Magazine elaborating problems with Bryan's case in overwhelming detail.*

Indeed, Bryan's false conviction has become an important case study used to demonstrate problems with past investigative methods. Reported the New York Times:
Lynn Robitaille Garcia, the general counsel of the Texas Forensic Science Commission, said Mr. Bryan’s case had a significant role in inspiring the state to develop a new licensing program for analysts doing crime scene reconstruction. 
“Everyone now recognizes that was unsupportable work, including the expert himself,” she said in an interview Thursday.
This is an example of the Government Always Wins faction on the CCA exercising raw power to assert their own opinion about the best outcome over the rule of law without fear of significant consequence.

Bryan was in Austin when his wife was murdered 120 miles away in Bosque County in 1985, and the flawed forensic testimony used to accuse him at trial has been recanted as junk science. Had they considered the details, it would have been as obvious to the CCA as it was to New York Times Magazine readers that, without that forensic evidence, Bryan could never have been convicted. So any honest evaluation of the evidence would require they grant him relief.

That left only one option for judges in the court's Government-Always-Wins faction if they wanted the case to stand: Reject Bryan's claim without explaining why. And that's exactly what they did.

“It’s disgusting, really,” said a forensic scientist quoted by the Times. “Judges are not in positions to be arbiters of what’s good science.”

Now that the Court of Criminal Appeals has once again shown its colors, the 80-year-old Bryan's only hope of relief is the Board of Pardons and Paroles. He is up for consideration in April, according to TDCJ's website. In 2019, they rejected his parole, despite an exemplary behavioral record in prison, based on the "nature of the offense." But with credible evidence available that Bryan never committed the offense in the first place, combined with his advancing age and the length of time already served, the parole board should finally release Joe Bryan in the interests of justice.

Bryan's attorneys have requested folks write letters to the parole board in support of his release, hoping to get as many letters as possible by the first week in February. On Facebook, they wrote:
We need the parole board flooded with letters of support on Joe's behalf. You can either e-mail one or send a written letter to the options below: 
E-mail: paroleforjoe@gmail.com
Mailing Address: Place Law Office
109 S 7th St., Gatesville, TX 76528 
Address your letters to the Board of Pardons and Paroles and please send them by the first week of February!
Bryan's TDCJ number is 00419509; be sure to include it in your correspondence. Alternatively, you can send support letters directly to the parole board. It wouldn't hurt to let the Governor know your opinion, either.

Grits readers, please do this. Y'all know better than most Texans what an embarrassment our Court of Criminal Appeals has been over the years. Don't let their un-elaborated rejection be the final chapter in Joe Bryan's story.

* Grits interviewed Colloff about the case after her article came out.

Wednesday, December 26, 2018

Sharon Keller, bite-mark evidence, and the end of innocence forestalled

The judges' conferences over the Steven-Chaney bite-mark case, according to reliable sources, was the most contentious at the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals since the fight over Ex Parte Robbins. Both those cases involved Texas' first-in-the-nation junk-science writ, for which Chaney's victory was a landmark event. See coverage from Texas Monthly's Michael Hall, the Texas Tribune, and the national Innocence Project.

It's significant that Judge Barbara Hervey wrote the majority opinion, which amounts to a straight-forward, by-the-book application of Texas' junk-science writ. Grits has criticized Hervey in the past for making public declarations about forensic science that put her on the side of reformers but routinely voting with the Government Always Wins faction in her court opinions. This time, however, the former member of President Obama's now-disbanded forensic commission came through, bringing Judge Keasler with her to split the GAW faction in two. (Keasler suffered a heart attack this year, btw; he will not finish out his term because of his age.)

Grits believes this case will prove important for a number of reasons, and not just for Mr. Chaney or others convicted in the past based on bite-mark evidence.

Taking a bite out of junk forensic science
There are two, major direct implications to the Chaney case: First, bite-mark testimony in the future may only exclude people, or say the result is undetermined. They cannot any longer imply bite-mark evidence points to a specific defendant. This is significant. Texas courts hadn't excluded such evidence via Daubert hearings, which evaluate the fitness of expert evidence at trial, despite the Texas Forensic Science Commission recommending courts abandon such evidence. In fact, the CCA had re-affirmed the use of bite-mark evidence as recently as 2012. So Chaney's case accomplished on the back end what Daubert could not on the front, evincing a new model for ridding the justice system of an unreliable forensic method.

Second, old cases where bite-mark evidence was central to defendants' convictions now also could be overturned. This won't be a huge number of cases; often other evidence existed that courts may still find sufficient to convict. But there's little doubt we'll see more bite-mark-based convictions overturned now that Chaney has discredited such evidence.

And there are broader implications. This was the first time the Court of Criminal Appeals has applied the junk-science writ to one of the more widely used, secondary forensic identification techniques criticized by the National Academy of Sciences in their 2009 report, Strengthening Forensic Science: A Path Forward.

We've seen outdated arson science debunked in Texas before the writ took effect, in part because the State Fire Marshal became an avid proponent for reform. Other forensic writs, as with Ex Parte Robbins, involved scientists recanting very specific scientific findings that applied to few other cases, not more common techniques like bite marks, blood spatter, hair-and-fiber analysis, ballistics, or fingerprints, even though all of those came up for criticism in the NAS report.

Now, the court has unanimously disallowed one of these second-tier forensic identification tactics, and they did so based on arguments primed to be applied to other comparative forensics.

For example, Judge Hervey's majority opinion made much of the fact that scientists cannot say for sure bite marks are unique, which is the basis for forensic dentists in the past claiming they could distinguish bite marks to the point of identifying an individual person. However, "Peer-reviewed studies conducted after the publication of the 2009 NAS Report ... now show that the uniqueness of human dentition can never be established within measurement error."

Well, guess what? There's also significant doubt whether firearms each provide a unique signature that ballistics analysts can effectively match. Indeed, it's unproven whether fingerprints are unique, but pretty clear that some partial prints - which is what examiners are usually matching - may not be unique enough to differentiate.

If and when scientists prove ballistics markings aren't unique - or for that matter, partial fingerprints - will the court still be as bold? If peer-reviewed studies begin to cast doubt on these cornerstone presumptions of uniqueness, how many forensic disciplines might fall?

These were not the elements of the Chaney decision being disputed in the concurrences. The entire court - including the whole Government Always Wins faction - was willing to throw out a brand of forensic analysis that's been in use in Texas and nationwide for many decades. That aspect of the decision likely will be overlooked in the wake of the court's debate over actual innocence, but it's important.

The end of innocence forestalled
The reason for the litany of concurrences in the case was Presiding Judge Keller's decision to take the opportunity in her concurrence to call for a new "beyond a reasonable doubt" standard in "actual innocence" cases - a burden only the prosecution must meet at trial. She thinks that, now that defendants have the junk science writ, and the court has recognized false-evidence claims it did not in the past, defendants have other avenues for relief and the bar for actual-innocence claims should be made more difficult to prove.

Only Judge Yeary was even interested in the idea, which was lambasted in separate concurrences from Richardson, Newell, and Alcala. Everyone concerned about these topics should read all these opinions; they're fascinating and my paraphrases won't do the detailed arguments justice.

As Judge Alcala pointed out, for years the "Elizondo" actual-innocence standard Keller wants to heighten was considered nearly insurmountable. But over time, between DNA exonerations and the rise of more sophisticated, persistent defense counsel in the innocence-movement era, more cases began to meet the court's high threshold. Judge Keller liked it better when almost none of them did.

Judge Richardson took the unusual step of calling out Judges Keller and Yeary by name for almost never agreeing defendants have met the actual-innocence threshold, even in instances like the Sonia Cacy arson case where Richardson considered the defendant clearly innocent. One rarely sees appellate judges confronting their peers so directly, but Richardson explicitly critiqued them in his opinion. Yeary responded, adding a second section to his concurrence that clearly was tacked on later in response to Richardson's criticisms.

Judge Keller has not claimed that Original Sin means no one can be truly innocent, but her legal reasoning leads to essentially that result. No one but DNA exonerees where an alternative suspect was identified and then confessed would qualify for an actual innocence designation in Sharon Keller's worldview, and then only if every detail of their story held up under a first-order assumption that all claims by them and any witnesses supporting their case are lies.

Here, Chaney had multiple alibi witnesses, but Keller refused to credit them, even after all inculpatory evidence put on by the state fell apart. There's something a bit mean-spirited and miserly (ungenerous is too tame a term) about Keller's take on Chaney's defense case. I have often portrayed Judge Keller and the GAW faction as wanting the government to win. But sometimes, as here, she almost seems more interested in making sure that the defendant loses - one of those moments, like declaring herself a "pro-prosecution" judge in past campaigns, that casts doubt on her ability to be a neutral arbiter. It's as though she can't stand for Chaney to receive state compensation due to exonerees, and is willing to upend 20 years of her court's own jurisprudence to try to stop that from happening.

If Keller's position prevailed, in a real sense it virtually would be the "end of innocence" in Texas. No one can say the number of exonerated defendants who would meet her new threshold, but it would be very low. The court considers meeting the current standard a "Herculean" task.

Seven other judges, however, were having none of it. Keller's opinions on innocence couldn't garner one additional vote. Even Kevin Yeary did not sign on. Her extremist stance left her weakened on the court as a result, with her core GAW-faction members abandoning her over the conflict and centrists on the court tag teaming to discredit her positions.

As a frequent critic of the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, I must say, I'm proud of them all, especially Judge Hervey. She showed more leadership in this case than she has in years on the court; her majority opinion was strong. And while I agreed with her critics, even Presiding Judge Keller was expressing her true beliefs here, which I found distasteful but not disingenuous. (She believes some extremely regressive things about the law that even most conservative Republicans do not buy into, but they're her honest beliefs.) This was a good debate and a good outcome.

See prior Grits coverage of the CCA interpreting Texas' junk science writ:

Friday, December 14, 2018

Podcast excerpt: TX Court of Criminal Appeals hears arguments about when it's okay to electrocute pro se defendants

James Calvert is a mentally ill capital murder defendant who allegedly murdered his ex-wife on Halloween night in 2012. He represented himself at trial in Smith County, Texas and was sentenced to the death penalty. Among other remarkable elements of the case, Mr. Calvert was shocked with a 50,000 volt stun belt during the trial for refusing to obey the court's demands. In addition, Judge Jack Skeen, who presided over the trial, repeatedly made negative comments about Mr. Calvert and the evidence he presented. Many observers believed Calvert should never have been allowed to represent himself in the first place.

In September, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals heard oral arguments in Calvert's case, delivering perhaps the clearest window yet into the issues that may decide his fate. On the December 2018 episode of the Reasonably Suspicious podcast, my co-host, Texas Defender Service Executive Director Mandy Marzullo, and I reviewed highlights from oral arguments and discussed key issues in the case. Because of high levels of interest in the case, particularly in Grits' hometown, I've excerpted the podcast segment dealing with the case; listen to it here:


For a transcript of of the segment, go here.

And by the way, if, like me, the story about shocking a defendant with a 50,000 volt stun belt left you wondering, "What kind of company manufactures such a torture device, and how is there a market for such a thing?," here's a two-decade old Washington Post story offering some background, using a Texas case study, of course.

Wednesday, December 12, 2018

Podcast: Adversaries over Austin police-union contract sit down; when is it okay for courts to electrocute mentally ill defendants?; pythons as stocking stuffers?; and other stories

When is it okay for a judge to electrocute a mentally ill defendant?

What leverage did a Texas civil rights activist say enabled Austin advocates to force reforms into the city's police-union contract?

How many pet pythons are too many, and are they appropriate to give at Christmas as stocking stuffers?

These and other questions are answered on this month's episode of the Reasonably Suspicious podcast. As always, you can subscribe on iTunes, Google Play, or SoundCloud, or listen to it here:


Here's what's in this month's episode:

Opening: Pythons as stocking stuffers?

Top Story
Interview
Police-union negotiators Ron DeLord and Chris Perkins sit down with a now-familiar adversary, Chas Moore of the Austin Justice Coalition, to discuss the aftermath of the year-long fight over the capital city's police-union contract.

Home Court Advantage
  • When is it okay to electrocute a mentally ill defendant in court? Discussion of James Calvert oral arguments
  • Ken-Paxton prosecutors de-funded, but at what cost to indigent defense?
The Last Hurrah
  • Dallas PD officer indicted for murder
  • Lawsuit challenges driver surcharges
  • Ray Hill, R.I.P.
Find a transcript of the show below the jump.

Wednesday, December 05, 2018

Squeaky wheels get grease: CCA posting oral arguments again

Grits had been complaining to court staff about the failure to post videos of Texas Court of Criminal Appeals oral arguments for a couple of months. But they only, finally began posting the video after I publicly wrote about it on the blog last week.

Since your correspondent is both a public-policy advocate and also media, in a sense, I'm frequently afforded a unique perspective when these sorts of situations arise.

There is a telling pattern regarding how government agency leaders and politicians respond to advocates vs. how they respond to the media. Grits gets to see both.

Say a problem exists in government (any problem, pick a problem), but the only people aware of it are those trying to manage it. As an advocate deep in the weeds on policy, one becomes aware of problems about which the general public may not know. As a general model, an advocate might tell the folks in charge of the situation about the problem and, where feasible, recommend solutions. That's the job.

The smartest agency heads will admit mistakes instead of cover them up and attempt to fix the situation then. But most are not the smartest. Most are average. Indeed, by definition, half are below average! And so the typical response is to ignore the problem and stonewall advocates.

Things are different for the media, because drawing outside attention to an issue creates political pressures and hassles, highlighting failures the agency would rather conceal, either from voters or the people controlling its purse strings. So, the Houston Chronicle's Keri Blakinger might see the Texas Department of Criminal Justice act on concerns in her articles when the same problems raised by Jennifer Erschabek of the Texas Inmate Family Association were more easily ignored.

Grits sees this a lot. My go to move as an advocate is not to immediately run to the blog and flame anyone who's not doing what I prefer. There have been plenty of instances when Grits has identified a some glitchy, technical problem in government, shared it with someone in charge, and it was fixed without my ever having discussed it on the blog. By the time I'm writing about such matters, frequently it's out of exasperation, grumpy that I'm having to use political capital to pressure someone to do their job, when quietly fixing the situation would have avoided conflict.

That's sort of the dynamic here. I've been asking the CCA to post this material since before the October episode of Reasonably Suspicious. We had hoped to cover the James Calvert case, argued in September, in a podcast segment. By the November episode, it was still not available. Last week, once more I asked when the files would be posted and was told there was an indefinite delay, that there was no way to tell when they might resolve technical problems. Since the court is, after all, required by statute to post the video, Grits reported that news. And lo and behold, the Calvert file was posted online Monday.

For the record, thank you to CCA and Office of Court Administration staff who finally got these posted. But wouldn't have it been easier and less embarrassing to behave with similar alacrity two months ago when I first inquired?

Tuesday, November 27, 2018

Checking in at the CCA: TX high criminal court hasn't posted oral-argument videos in nearly six months, and other stories

Since your correspondent left the Innocence Project of Texas, I haven't tracked the Court of Criminal Appeals hand-down lists nearly as closely as at times in the past. But here are a few recent items that merit Grits readers attention.

Hiccup in publishing CCA arguments video
Last year, the Legislature mandated that oral argument videos from the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals should be recorded and posted online. But the last ones available as of this writing are from June, and court staff don't know when they will resume posting them.

I'd noticed the discrepancy because my podcast co-host, Mandy Marzullo, and I had hoped to do a segment on the use of "shock belts" in court following oral arguments in the James Calvert case, which was argued Sept. 19. But the recording is still not available.

Grits was told by court staff that the failure to post after June is because of "trouble with the audio." The Office of Court Administration, I'm told, is working on the problem. But it's now almost six months since they stopped posting oral arguments. Surely that should have been enough time to implement some sort of Plan B to begin recording again.

Shoplifter acting alone can't commit organized crime
Judge Elsa Alcala recently prevailed on the rest of the court to declare that a single episode of solo shoplifting, in which the defendant acted by herself and not in concert with others, did not qualify for enhancement for punishment as "organized retail theft." Here's her opinion, and Judge Keller concurred. Judge Yeary alone dissented, attempting to stretch the bounds of the statute far beyond reason, good judgment, or the well-documented legislative intent behind the statute. (Upon reading his opinion, I could not understand why he would choose to die alone on that hill.)

We're really going to lament Judge Alcala's departure from the CCA once she's gone. She's become an intellectual leader on the court who will be sorely missed.

Five-member CCA majority bucks GAW faction, trial court to declare defense counsel ineffective
An unpublished, per curiam opinion garnered four dissenters (the entire Government Always Wins faction) but no dissenting opinion earlier this month. The defendant alleged his trial counsel was ineffective because of his "failure to note that the foreman of the grand jury was also empaneled and served as the foreman of the trial jury, failure to file pre-trial motions to suppress, failure to object to the introduction of Sheriff’s Department offense reports into evidence, failure to present alibi witness testimony, and failure to advise Applicant that the decision of whether or not to testify was his to make."

The trial court in Newton County recommended denying relief. But five members of the Court of Criminal Appeals decided to overturn the conviction, granting the defendant a new trial. And whatever reasons Judges Keller, Hervey, Keasler, and Yeary had for dissenting, they chose not to share them.

5-4 is close, and the story line about the grand jury and petit jury having the same foreman is a twist I've never heard before. Nor is it typical for an unsigned, per curiam opinion to have four dissenters, much less for none of them to articulate the reasons for their dissent. The dynamics surrounding this case imply a lot of backroom drama, even if there's not much paperwork to document it.

Paxton prosecutor legal-fee decision may impact indigent-defense cases
The case over legal fees for special prosecutors in the Ken Paxton indictments perhaps predictably was decided based on political rather than legal considerations, with significant unintended consequences potentially resulting. The court's majority was under pressure from Republicans to shut down the prosecution of the state Attorney General, siding with pols in Paxton's home county to refuse to pay special prosecutors their legal fees. See coverage from the Texas Tribune.

Judge Mary Lou Keel seemed fed up with her colleagues in the majority, accusing them of re-ordering and re-wording statutes and case law to "mask" their real meaning and "disregard" the clear intent of the statute. I thought she made mincemeat of the central argument in Judge Bert Richardson's concurrence.

Both she and Judge Alcala made the case that the majority opinion would impact indigent defense payments. Alcala declared the opinion was "effectively a decision to deny paying a reasonable fee to defense attorneys appointed to represent indigent defendants, and that will likely result in more cases of ineffective assistance of counsel."

Not only was the court majority legislating from the bench, Alcala observed, but it was doing so badly. "It is improper for a decision granting mandamus relief to create new law, but it is an even more dire situation when the new law, as here, results in manifest injustice due to its newly created policy."

The majority botched the issue so badly it could even require legislative intervention. It's possible counties won't be able to find lawyers to take on complex cases if they may be limited to low, flat fee based on standardized schedules, no matter how many hours they put in on a case.

Wednesday, May 02, 2018

Import of recanted informant testimony never evaluated in capital case

In the latest Reasonably Suspicious podcast, my co-host, Texas Defender Service Executive Director Mandy Marzullo, described the case of Juan Castillo, who is scheduled for execution on May 16. His conviction was based in part on informant testimony which was later recanted, but the courts have never meaningfully evaluated how this allegedly false testimony affected Castillo's case. Since there has only been sparse coverage of these events, I pulled this segment out as a stand-alone. Give it a listen:


Find a transcript of our conversation below the jump. MORE: From the indefatigable Keri Blakinger. AND MORE (5/7): See a plea for clemency for Mr. Castillo published in the SA Express News.

Wednesday, April 04, 2018

Considering Texas DA primaries in light of new models out of Philly for prosecutors opposing mass incarceration

The March episode of the Reasonably Suspicious podcast we included an update on the March 6 primary elections involving Texas District Attorneys and the Court of Criminal Appeals.  Then we compared so-called "progressive" District Attorney candidates in Dallas to Philadelphia's new DA, Larry Krasner, discussing a new memo Krasner put out directing his prosecutors to use their discretion to reduce mass incarceration. By contrast, Texas' "progressive" DAs and DA candidates are all much more moderate. I've excerpted those two segments here:


See a transcript below the jump.

Friday, March 30, 2018

March Reasonably Suspicious Podcast: Primary election wrap-up, pushing #cjreform in state party platforms, unconstitutional legal fees, Harris County bail suit update, a stunning judicial power play, and more

Sliding in under the wire at the end of the month, check out the March 2018 episode of Just Liberty's Reasonably Suspicious podcast, covering Texas criminal justice politics and policy. Subscribe on iTunes, GooglePlay, or SoundCloud, or listen to the podcast here:


Here's what my co-host Mandy Marzullo and I talked about this month:

Top Stories
Primary election roundup
  • Recapping Texas contested Texas DA and Court of Criminal Appeals races
  • Comparing "progressive" DA candidates in Dallas and elsewhere to Philadelphia's Larry Krasner
  • Update on Just Liberty's campaign to include criminal-justice reform in both Texas state party platforms. Includes Just Liberty's catchy jingle done by some of the same amazing musicians who performed our original podcast music.
Check in on Texas pretrial reform litigation
  • Harris County bail litigation: Interview with Susanne Pringle, executive director of the Texas Fair Defense Project, regarding the 5th Circuit's ruling in the Harris County bail litigation in which her group is one of the plaintiffs.
  • Travis County plea mill challenged: Local attorneys file a demand letter challenging misdemeanor dockets where lawyers must negotiate plea bargains almost immediately after receiving the file and meeting their clients for the first time.
The Last Hurrah
Find a transcript of the podcast below the jump.

Thursday, March 22, 2018

On the limits of tuff-on-crime ideology at the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals

One of Grits' favorite pastimes is parsing contentious Texas Court of Criminal Appeals decisions to better understand the dynamics and factions arising on various topics. Since nobody in the mainstream media routinely covers these cases, this usually involves tilling virgin soil. And such is the situation with Ex Parte Jeremy Wade Pue, which was decided on March 13 but has been ignored in the press. Mr. Pue was represented by an attorney from the State Counsel for Offenders.

Judge Bert Richardson wrote the main opinion, with Judges Mary Lou Keel and Sharon Keller authoring concurrences and Judge Kevin Yeary isolated by himself in dissent, which is a space he's increasingly chosen to occupy in recent cases. To me, this is perhaps the most significant change in the court's dynamic in the wake of the 2016 election, when Judges Keel and Walker joined the court.

While on capital cases, Judge Yeary has tended to be more defense-oriented, in more workaday cases he has proven himself a tuff-on-crime outlier, even compared to the Government-Always-Wins (GAW) faction, led by Judge Keller. Indeed, Yeary's pro-prosecutor stances are sometimes so extreme that even the traditional GAW faction members (Keller, Hervey, and Keasler) cannot abide them. That's what happened in Pue, where the state sought to uphold a 30-year sentence which, in light of the facts, clearly was improper.

The case involved an illegal sentence for evading arrest with a vehicle, which in Texas is a third degree felony punishable by 2-10 years. Two California cases were used as an enhancement under Texas law to increase the penalty to thirty years under the habitual-offender statute. But the California convictions were not "final," as required by Texas law, and the defendant's lawyer failed to appeal the issue. (Mr. Pue separately has also alleged an ineffective assistance claim.) The CCA majority said the sentence was illegal, and even the GAW faction agreed.

Judge Yeary would let the sentence stand, insisting the claim should have been raised on direct appeal and should not be alleged for the first time in a habeas writ.  Moreover, he made a distinction (which Judge Keel rightly considered spurious) between a sentence outside the prescribed range (for example, a life sentence for a third degree felony where the max should be ten years), and illegally using a prior conviction to increase the penalty outside the prescribed range. Keel called out Yeary for "inconsistent" reasoning, and he tried to respond in a footnote. But when you read them both, it's pretty clear she's right and he's confused. Even Judges Keller and Keasler thought so.

Further, Judge Keller believed Pue's lawyer performed ineffectively:
Because the conviction was not final regardless of what law applies, and because Applicant has no other prior convictions (aside from the two in California), I would hold that counsel was deficient for failing to challenge the use of this conviction for enhancement purposes, and Applicant was prejudiced because his thirty-year sentence exceeds the maximum punishment allowed for his offense.
Keller believed Pue's lawyer's performance was deficient on its face ("Given the circumstances, I would hold that there is no conceivable strategy for failing to challenge the prior conviction, and so, there is no need to remand for factual development.") Judge Richardson and the majority, however, noted that the issue was raised at trial and he was reluctant to allege ineffective assistance for not doing so on appeal because "there were existing intermediate Texas appellate court decisions to the contrary" about whether California or Texas law controlled which offenses could be used for enhancements. (Going forward, the answer is "Texas'.")

As case law, Pue does little more than confirm common perceptions about which cases qualify for an habitual-offender enhancement. But it certainly reveals telling dynamics on a court suffering from strained personal relations and often-bitter legal disagreements. We're beginning to see previously unplumbed limits regarding how far certain members of the court are willing to go just because a prosecutor asked them for something.

Will Judge Yeary's extremist views solidify control of the court among moderates like Richardson, staking out positions so harsh and unyielding that they drive even the GAW faction toward more centrist stances? Time will tell but, to this observer, that looms as an increasingly likely (and admittedly unexpected) possibility.

Thursday, March 08, 2018

Texas CCA and DA election roundup

Let's update the Texas DA and Court of Criminal Appeals races we discussed in the February podcast, as well as others that deserve mention. It was a rough primary for incumbents, and a number of open seats created opportunities for outsider candidates to elbow their way past more establishment figures.

Keller narrowly prevails
First, Sharon Keller squeaked by in the race for Court of Criminal Appeals Presiding Judge, garnering just 52 percent of the GOP primary vote. She is without question the most and maybe only vulnerable statewide Republican in Texas, assuming there's any sort of "blue wave" occurring in November, as touted in the national press. If I were a Dem strategist looking for a blue victory in a statewide race, I'd be putting real money behind her general-election opponent, Judge Maria Jackson out of Houston. As my great grandfather liked to say when I was a child, there ain't never been a horse that can't be rode, never been a cowboy can't be throwed. That said, the most likely outcome is that Keller will prevail in November, and by the time her next term ends, she'd have spent 30 years as Presiding Judge of that court and the intellectual leader of what Grits has dubbed the Government-Always-Wins (GAW) faction.

Least qualified candidate emerges from GOP CCA primary, again
In the race to replace Judge Elsa Alcala, Michelle Slaughter defeated two more qualified candidates because she ran as a cultural conservative touting culture war memes and garnered the most grassroots endorsements. Grits might have preferred Jay Brandon over Dib Waldrip, but either were qualified for the spot. But for the second cycle in a row, GOP primary voters ignored the most qualified candidates and picked the person they thought was the most ideologically conservative. According to the Texas Tribune, "She was the only one of the three without a criminal appellate background, having worked in civil law before becoming a judge. But she also had the most conservative endorsements, including backing by Empower Texans, Texas Right to Life and numerous local Tea Party groups." There's no Democrat running in this race.

Progressive power remains a phantom in Dallas DA race
National liberal activists and progressive organizations which haven't traditionally participated in Texas DA races tried to play the role of Queen-maker in Big D, backing Elizabeth Frizell against liberal establishment stalwart John Creuzot. Creuzot won by 516 votes. Though it was close, the outcome calls into question the clout of liberal groups backing his opponent. Readers will recall the same thing happened in Houston in 2016, with liberal groups backing Morris Overstreet in the primary before turning to support Kim Ogg in the fall. Grits' takeaway: Criminal-justice reform continues to enjoy bipartisan support in Texas - there are strong supporters in both parties - but perhaps because it's become a bipartisan issue, it's not yet become an axis along which Democratic primary elections are decided. Creuzot won the right to face incumbent Faith Johnson in the general election. This'll be one of the state's marquis down-ballot races.

MORE: Reflecting on the race, in which he and his PAC supported Frizell, New York writer and activist Shaun King describes what it's like for a bunch of amateurs who learned about politics in books to get schooled by "crafty" Texas political consultants who understand how to "game the system" (read: run winning campaigns).  Don't sweat it, Shaun, it's how you learn. Politics here is blood sport and enthusiasm isn't always sufficient to trump skill. Besides, Creuzot is a good guy. When "progressive" Ds from out of state want to demonize someone like him in favor of a candidate whose record is more sparse and whose policy positions are essentially identical, long-time reformers like me have to wonder why we should choose to die on that particular hill? Of all the DA candidates in this roundup of whom I'd think, "We need to keep that person out of office," he wouldn't crack the top five. For instance ...

Bexar voters done with the crazy
Nico Lahood lost. Thank heavens.

Abel Reyna loses in embarrassing fashion
In the end, the Twin Peaks case cost him the race, which was won by a guy who just moved back to town from Dallas last year after 3 decades away. On the day of the election, voters awoke to headlines declaring a visiting judge had scolded Reyna thusly for using video from the case in his campaign ads:
“The way you have handled this case is absolutely shameful and misleading to the citizens of this county,” Judge Doug Shaver told Reyna on Monday. “So I know the election is tomorrow, and we can’t do anything about it up to this point. But you should be ashamed of yourself, and if I could enforce any of the gag order against you, I would and (would) put you in custody. But since I can’t, you are excused.”
And by the end of the day, the voters had excused him as well.

Tyler establishment fails to quash Tea Party insurgent
Perhaps (almost) equally significant, the establishment candidate for District Attorney in Smith County lost to a 35-year old upstart who accused the sitting DA of corruption and was backed by local Tea Party figures . Jacob Putman defeated a candidate recruited by the sitting DA and his allies to run against him, and overcame the incumbent releasing opposition materials critical of his prosecution record at the height of the campaign. This is a significant snub for the Jack-Skeen-Matt-Bingham cohort which has run the DA office there for decades in my hometown.

DWI cuts both ways in DA races
In Victoria, voters ousted an incumbent who'd sought to prove his tough-on-crime credentials by taking every DWI case to trial. Challenger Constance Filley Johnson defeated the incumbent in a campaign critical of this grandstanding brand of prosecutorial overreach, and voters overwhelmingly sided with her.

In Walker County, however, Will Durham won by running against the incumbent's First Assistant, with criticisms mainly centering around alleged leniency on DWI cases. The incumbent, David Weeks, had allowed some DWI cases to be pled down to alternative offenses,  which circumstantially points to prosecutors allowing defendants to avoid being assessed the (ignominious) Driver Responsibility surcharge. Walker County is the epicenter of the Texas prison system and the policy likely was implemented so that prison-guard employees with DWIs on their record could keep their driver licenses and be able to legally get to work. Whether getting "tougher" on these cases affects local correctional officer employment remains to be seen, but barring abolition of the surcharge, in 2-3 years it wouldn't surprise me if Durham's git-tuff policies come back to bite Walker County voters or even TDCJ itself, just as happened in Victoria.

A vote for DAs independence from law enforcement
In Fort Bend County, a 71-year old retired judge named Cliff Vacek won the GOP primary, but the real contest there will be in November, where general elections are becoming tighter and Democrats have a real shot. Debates in the GOP race centered around independence of the office, with Vacek's opponent claiming he'd have a closer relationship with local law enforcement agencies, and Vacek insisting that the DA office must remain independent, working with local law enforcement but not becoming beholden to them. Interesting terms of debate: These aren't themes which came up in the other races.

Death penalty decline an issue in Wichita DA race
In Wichita County, incumbent Maureen Shelton was ousted by John Gillespie in a campaign which centered around Shelton's reticent to pursue the death penalty, a high turnover rate among attorneys in the office, and Shelton's decision to serve as an administrator instead of personally trying cases in the courtroom.

Incumbents incumbenting
In Denton County GOP primary, the incumbent Paul Johnson defeated a challenger who'd called him soft on crime. And in Hidalgo County's Dem primary, one-term incumbent Ricardo Rodriguez easily quashed a quixotic campaign against a strident but politically isolated and self-funded challenger who'd accused him of corruption. Galveston DA Jack Roady defeated a challenger who'd accused him of being "soft on crime."

MORE: The incumbent in Gregg County (Longview) also lost, although the race doesn't seem to have been run along any reform-vs-tuff-on-crime axis, like some of the others.

AND MORE (3/12): From the Texas Tribune: "Half of Texas' sitting district attorneys in contested primaries lost. What does that mean?"

AND EVEN MORE: See a roundup of primary results for prosecutors from the Texas District and County Attorneys Association.

Friday, March 02, 2018

More unconstitutional court fees defenestrated

On Twitter, the Texas District and County Attorneys Association mocked a defendant represented by the Harris County Public Defender for winning a court-fee reduction of about $13. And if that's all there were to it, they'd be right to criticize the court for wasting its time.

But in reality (which in general lies FAR away from the TDCAA twitter feed), the Court of Criminal Appeals overturned a lower court's finding, holding that portions of the "consolidated court cost relating to 'law enforcement officers standards and education,' 'comprehensive rehabilitation,' and 'abused children’s counseling' were all facially unconstitutional" and couldn't be applied to anyone. To boot, the 8-1 margin means the ruling is unlikely to change if one or even two judges are replaced during this election cycle.

So sure, if we were just talking about one defendant getting $13 back, it might be a small thing. But reducing all consolidated court costs by about 10 percent and eliminating those specific funding streams? That's a big deal no matter how much snark and disdain arises from prosecutors.

Jani Maselli-Wood, a former Republican CCA candidate who works at the Harris County Public Defender Office, has been knocking down these unconstitutional fees one by one after they were exposed in a legislatively mandated report written by her husband, Ted Wood, when he was at the Office of Court Administration.

TDCAA sees that marital link as evidence of conspiracy, but if eight members of the CCA including three of the four members of the Government-Always-Wins faction, agreed the fees are unconstitutional (Grits is now counting Yeary in that GAW cohort), it seems to me any conspiracy was a good thing. Why would prosecutors or anyone else think it's a good idea to keep unconstitutional laws on the books?

Sunday, February 25, 2018

Texas DA and Court of Criminal Appeals primaries: A podcast excerpt

In the February 2018 episode of the Reasonably Suspicious podcast, my co-host Mandy Marzullo and I discussed several District Attorney primary races which haven't received much attention as well as important Court of Criminal Appeals races up this cycle (including a serious challenger to Presiding Judge Sharon Keller). Give it a listen:


See a recent link roundup here related to these DA races (evaluating primaries in Dallas, Bexar, McLennan, Smith, Walker, Victoria, Denton, Smith, and Galveston counties). Find a transcript of this segment below the jump.

Saturday, February 03, 2018

What is a catch? What is driving on the shoulder? Video leaves CCA judges and NFL refs parsing fine details #DezCaughtIt

With this being Super Bowl weekend, Grits can't help but observe that the debate at the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals over whether someone is driving on the shoulder greatly resembles the debate in the National Football League over what constitutes a "catch." (#DezCaughtIt)

The amount of hair splitting that's possible in interpreting both rules - abetted by instant replay in the NFL and dashcams on police cars - nearly beggars belief. The Austin Statesman offered rare coverage of the latest CCA case deciding matter.

In this instance, the Government-Always-Wins faction split (with Judge Barbara Hervey joining Bert Richardson's main opinion) and common sense prevailed, but not without a hot debate over whether driving on the "fog line" separating the road from the shoulder is the same as driving on the "improved shoulder," which is a criminal offense.

The Seventh Court of Appeals had ruled that a traffic stop based on a vehicle's tire touching the fog line was invalid, upholding the trial court's suppression of evidence garnered from the stop. Judge Bert Richardson's opinion endorsing that parsimonious view ruled the day, but Presiding Judge Sharon Keller, joined by Judge Keasler, offered a spirited, hair-splitting defense of the officer's decision to arrest. According to Judge Keller:
the trial court found that the traffic-stop video showed Appellee’s vehicle’s 'right rear tire (or its shadow) . . . to come in the proximity to and possibly touch the inside portion or more of the white line delineating the roadway from the improved shoulder . . . but not to extend past the . . . outermost edge of the fog line.'
And since she considered the line part of the "improved shoulder," she would uphold the stop and subsequent search. Judge Yeary offered another, suggesting the majority reached the issue improperly.

This was a debate about pretext stops. How pretexty can they really be? Does the pretext matter at all?  Can the excuse for the stop be complete bullshit, or will mostly bullshit suffice? In this rare pro-defense ruling, the CCA sided with judicial restraint and common sense. But among members of the court, it appears to have been a hard-fought victory.

Thursday, January 18, 2018

Two Big-D capital-murder cases overturned for prosecutor misconduct

Stanley Mozee and Dennis Allen, two Dallas men convicted of capital murder and sentenced to life prison for a 1999 robbery, have finally been cleared of capital-murder charges after the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals approved habeas relief last week.  Their cases were championed by the national Innocence Project and my former employers at IPOT. The CCA set aside their convictions without confirming their innocence. (In cases lacking exonerating DNA or other forensic evidence, that's typically been the best the CCA has been willing to do.) There will be no new trial, however. The Dallas DA's office already agreed to their release in 2014 pending this decision, and has agreed the cases should be set aside.

Instead of straight-up innocence claims, the convictions were overturned based on withheld exculpatory evidence, the failure of prosecutors to disclose incentives for snitch testimony, and prosecutor Rick Jackson allegedly soliciting testimony he knew was false then failing to correct it. See good writeups from the national Innocence Project and from The Open File. Here's the order from the trial judge the CCA affirmed, and 2016 coverage of the case from the Dallas News.

RELATED: This seems like a good opportunity to link to attorney Jessica Brand's recent explainer article, "The Epidemic of Brady Violations Explained." The Michael Morton Act resolved some, but not all, of the discovery problems in Texas, it should be said. The disclosure requirements on Texas prosecutors today significantly exceed those under Brady, which exclusively governed criminal discovery at the time Mozee and Allen were tried.

CORRECTION: The date of the robbery and conviction were misstated in the original post and have been corrected.

Wednesday, November 22, 2017

Spotlight on ineffective assistance: Barriers to remedies

Texas State Rep. Gene Wu once said to me there were three categories of professionals - attorneys, doctors, and engineers - who could do immense damage to people when they badly screw up.

He's right. Despite that, in the criminal justice realm, ineffective assistance of counsel  - in essence, a defendant's legal claim that their attorney did a bad job - remains a bit of a backwater issue. That's in part because the reform community tends to be defense oriented, and in part because its true frequency is hard to document. But it's also because the government is complicit in ineffective assistance by underfunding indigent defense, so there's a bit of a wink-and-a-nod arrangement for merely lazy as opposed to actively harmful representation.

Even so, for indigent defendants with appointed counsel and few choices, shoddy defense lawyering can have a huge impact on their lives. In the November episode of Just Liberty's "Reasonably Suspicious" podcast, Amanda Marzullo of the Texas Defender Service and I discussed some of the sources of and remedies for ineffective assistance of counsel. The first segment discusses the Texas House Criminal Jurisprudence Committee's pending study of ineffective assistance as part of an "interim charge." The second segment discusses a Texas death penalty case, Ayestas v. Davis, which was recently argued at SCOTUS and which relates to resources available to death row defendants in the 5th Circuit to investigate ineffective assistance claims. Between them, the two segments highlight some obscure procedural barriers to defendants who've been victimized by ineffective assistance and potential legislative solutions. Give it a listen:


Find a transcript of our discussion below the jump. And if you've ever been represented by a good lawyer, as the holiday weekend approaches, be thankful.