Monday, December 16, 2013

'Corruption,' 'fraud' alleged in Montgomery County private prison scheme

In Montgomery County, the commissioners court this morning will discuss potential lawsuits against a former county commissioner, a consultant, and a private prison developer for sweetheart deals involving two correctional facilities. The former commissioner received loans from the developer that weren't disclosed at the time the county entered into contracts. The larger of the two facilities lost its tax-exempt status after county inmates projected to fill it never materialized. The story from the Conroe Courier (Dec. 14) opened:
In three separate letters, Montgomery County Attorney J D Lambright has demanded the repayment of almost $13 million he says are the financial damages to the county due to a “breach of fiduciary duty” relating to the construction of two county facilities.

The letters, sent Dec. 6, allege former Precinct 3 Commissioner Ed Chance, former county employee/consultant Linda Breazeale and Jim Galloway, with Conroe-based developer Alliance Development LLC, all benefited from the overcharges related to the Joe Corley Detention Center and the Montgomery County Mental Health Facility. They further state that Chance and Breazeale, along with Alliance’s “schemes, fraud and misrepresentations” knowingly caused the financial damages.
The letters demand Chance pay the county $500,000, Breazeale pay $242,275 and Galloway pay $12.2 million. Each was given 30 days to pay the debt or risk a civil suit. As of Friday afternoon, Lambright said he had not heard from any of the parties regarding the letters. ...

Precinct 3 Commissioner James Noack said he read the letters and supports Lambright’s decision to recoup the costs.
“I think it is dead on,” Noack said. “I think these people knew exactly what they were doing. This was a well planned, well executed maneuver by power hungry, greedy, untrustworthy individuals.”

However, Precinct 1 Commissioner Mike Meador disagreed.

“We haven’t proven any damages yet,” he said. “I think it is premature to add Ed and Linda in. … If it is proven we had damages, we can re-talk it.”
In particular, reported the paper, "Lambright said Chance, who served as county commissioner from 1986 to 2012, never disclosed to the county that he accepted payments from an Alliance-related entity in excess of $500,000." The letter to Chance declared that, “While the county was overpaying for facilities, you were personally profiting,” alleging a "pattern of misrepresentation and corruption of the process." A law firm representing Chance "said the $500,000 the letter states his client owes was in fact two loans Chance received from Galloway for an unrelated real estate venture."

This is yet another situation where a Texas county unwisely launched a speculative, entrepreneurial jail scheme that was supposed to generate extra revenue but went bust when they couldn't find contract prisoners to fill the beds. Reported the Courier:
The Corley Center, which houses 1,288 beds, opened in 2008 and was financed with approximately $44.8 million in bonds. The 100-bed MCMHTF opened in spring 2011 and was financed through the sale of $33 million in bonds.

However, the jail bonds lost their tax-exempt status in August after the county couldn’t fulfill its commitment of 30 percent local inmates at the Corley Center. In May, county commissioners unanimously agreed to sell the Corley Center for $65 million in cash to Florida-based The GEO Group Inc.

In June, commissioners decided to sell the MCMHTF for a minimum bid of $38.5 [million]. Last month, GEO offered the county $35 million, but the county rejected that bid. That item is scheduled for discussion Monday in executive session by commissioners.
See related Grits posts:

Sunday, December 15, 2013

Diabetic inmate dies after jail staff failed to provide insulin

This tragic episode will likely cost the city of Irving a pretty penny. The Dallas News story ("Irving jail staff new diabetic inmate had no insulin before death," Dec. 9) opened:
Irving jail staff knew that a diabetic inmate needed insulin hours, if not days, before she collapsed in her cell and died.

Two jail supervisors have been placed on paid leave while the city and district attorney’s office investigate the Nov. 3 death of Sarah Tibbetts, 37.

The medical examiner has not yet ruled on the cause of death. Nor have police responded to accounts from family and jail sources that Tibbetts, who took insulin daily to survive, did not get any during nearly 42 hours in custody.

A grocery store baker before her life began to fall apart several years ago, Tibbetts often lived out of motel rooms and recently lost her 12-year-old son to child services, according to her family.

The only convictions on her record were misdemeanors; trespassing and drug possession last year. But Irving police had arrested her several times before they found her Nov. 1 in a motel room — allegedly with someone else’s credit card and traces of marijuana on baggies in her purse.

Family said that Tibbetts’ arrests usually ended with a minor charge being dropped and a trip to the hospital for insulin, which she either left behind or wasn’t allowed to use because it was improperly labeled.

But this time, something went wrong.
Jail staff knew the woman needed insulin because her mother told them:
Rebecca Tibbetts, Sarah’s mother, said staff phoned her a day after the motel arrest and asked her to bring the medicine to jail.

“I said I’m in California. I can’t bring it up,” said Rebecca Tibbetts, who lives in that state. “I said my daughter is insulin-dependent and she will die without her insulin. If you can’t provide it, she needs to be sent to a hospital.”
Her boyfriend, in a jail cell across the corridor from her, watched Tibbetts slip into a diabetic coma then “Screamed bloody murder until [the guards] finally got up.” Reported the News, "Later that day, Rebecca Tibbetts got another call from the jail and learned her daughter was dead." Further, "A jail employee, speaking on the condition of anonymity, confirmed that staff knew Tibbetts needed insulin before her death." Authorities say they're investigating and have yet to publicly comment.

H/T: Texas Monthly.

Saturday, December 14, 2013

Ethan Couch and the media outrage machine

Grits tends to avoid topics that a) are widely covered in the MSM and b) tap into hot-button culture war issues fueling the never-ending outrage machine that's evolved in the era of online journalism. It's why you don't see much on this blog about the death penalty - the bloviating on both sides almost immediately trends to the pointless and online discussions add very little except forums for ever-more outraged foolishness.

Some topics, though, are difficult to avoid. Yesterday Grits did a radio interview that had been scheduled for several weeks. I'd even corresponded with the interviewer, at his request, about what topics we should cover. But the first question out of the box was about a Republican juvenile court judge in Tarrant County who this week issued a verdict of probation and treatment for a rich 16-year old named Ethan Couch who stole some beer, drove drunk, and killed four people. The 24-hour cable cadre picked up the story because an expert witness testified the youth suffered from "affluenza," claiming he'd been spoiled rotten and thus wasn't responsible for his actions.

That's a stupid claim, but as Mark Bennett pointed out, it likely had little to do with why the judge gave the kid probation. It's just that the real reasons wouldn't feed the media outrage machine or maximize the potential for the case to become an over-hyped, Casey-Anthony-style spectacle. And outrage is so much fun! Advertisers especially love it, and who doesn't enjoy feeling superior, especially to some rich asshole they've never met? This blog, though, tries to focus on policy, not personalities, and as the old saying goes among appellate lawyers, bad facts make for bad law. These are undoubtedly extraordinarily bad facts, which means that, on the policy front, little of value can be generalized from the episode that applies to more workaday cases.

Grits harbors little hope this lowly blog can inject any reason into the discussion, but let's at least try. For starters, stepping back for a moment from this episode, a probated sentence is hardly unusual for intoxication manslaughter, even for adults, and even when juries instead of judges do the sentencing. The Dallas Morning News reported back in 2010 that, "More than 40 percent of those arrested for intoxication manslaughter over the last 10 years never saw a prison cell. Instead, they got probation." What most of the outrage machine fails to understand is "why?" Reported the News:
Prosecutors, defense attorneys and judges say probation makes sense because intoxication manslaughter cases are incredibly difficult to prosecute.

Also, probationers are forced to get treatment they probably wouldn't receive in prison, and rehabilitation is less costly to taxpayers than punishment.

Most important, they say, a combination of treatment and probation-ordered rehabilitation makes the public safer.

"The reason it doesn't work to lock them up is, eventually they get out, and most times sooner rather than later," state District Judge Tracy Holmes said. "And when they get out, their addiction has progressed, and so they are more dangerous."

Prosecutors would like to send more intoxication manslaughter defendants to prison, but say the lack of substance abuse programs in Texas prisons forces them to pick between punishment and probation with rehabilitation.
In this case, the judge issued a probation verdict with mandated treatment and lots of people are mad at her. But jurors also frequently give probation or relatively light sentences for intoxication manslaughter, mainly because many can easily see themselves in the defendant's shoes. (Think Gabrielle Nestande.) Did you ever steal beer as a kid (after all, they can't buy it)? Have you ever driven while intoxicated?  Too many jurors can answer "yes" to those questions for intoxication manslaughter cases to be a slam dunk. In the back of their minds, a lot of people are thinking, "There but for the grace of God go I." The difference between their own experiences and the terrible destruction this kid caused was basically dumb luck.

The "affluenza" claim gave the viral outrage crowd plenty of red meat and, as is usual, media discussions have largely focused on "who is to blame?" for an ostensibly lenient verdict. But that's the wrong question. This episode was a tragedy and has destroyed families, causing immeasurable harm, and no good can come of it. That said, no matter how profound the grief of the victim's families, no punishment will bring back the dead. The only real question is how to make the best of a terrible situation?

In this particular case, for the uninitiated, Ethan Couch's case was tried in juvenile court, which is a civil not a criminal proceeding. The judge was specifically charged with rendering a verdict that's in the "best interest of the child." The goal of juvenile courts under Texas law isn't punishment in the same way adult criminal courts punish. Indeed, after the 2007 juvenile justice reforms following the TYC sex-abuse scandal, Texas youth prison populations plummeted.  The only kids sent to youth prison anymore in Texas are typically those who commit intentional acts of violence or mentally ill kids from communities with no treatment resources. For the most part, those reforms have been very positive and juvenile crime dropped after they were implemented. In this instance, the best interests of the child are also in the best interests of public safety and the taxpayers.

Finally, we are living in an era of rampant overcriminalization, but the criminal justice system cannot be the solution to every tragedy or social problem. This tragedy was caused by negligence and, for reasons Mark Bennett articulated, is fundamentally more tort than crime - the situation lacks mens rea, or criminal intent. The kid didn't set out that night aiming to kill anybody. And as a juvenile, in the scheme of things, he's a good candidate for rehabilitation. Bottom line: The judge followed the law and did nothing wrong. The kid's case was handled appropriately as far as the juvenile justice system goes. The place to seek retribution is in a lawsuit against the parents and after the defense offered in the boy's case, they'll be hard-pressed to escape liability. At the end of the day, that'll have to be good enough for the outrage machine.

Friday, December 13, 2013

Yoga in Texas prisons limited by religion

Brandi Grissom at the Tribune has an interesting piece up on volunteer-led yoga offerings at TDCJ, but this bit stuck out at me: "the criminal justice department classifies yoga as a religious offering ... so at some prison units, only inmates who identify themselves as practitioners of Eastern religions like Buddhism, Taoism and Hinduism are allowed to attend."

That's pretty silly. In 21st century America, yoga has become utterly secularized and only a small percentage of those practicing it are adherents of Eastern religions. From the research I've seen, yoga and meditation have positive effects on in-prison behavior and recidivism, so limiting participation by one's declared religion to me seems like a counterproductive choice by TDCJ.

Thursday, December 12, 2013

On the phenomenology of Maverick Ray and the worthlessness of Texas capital qualifications

Mark Bennett recently called out a newbie solo criminal defense attorney named Maverick Ray for "deceptive" advertising on his website, trashing his questionable claims of experience and gravitas:
The cal­low­est young lawyer puts up a web­site in which he calls him­self “The Law Offices of Mav­er­ick Ray” (he has one office), “An Expe­ri­enced Hous­ton Sex Crimes Lawyer Your Free­dom Can Depend On” (he has been licensed for less than eight months and been hired on one felony sex case), “the Assas­sin of Sup­pres­sion” (Har­ris County records show no granted sup­pres­sion motions in drug cases), “Houston’s pre­mier DWI Attor­ney” (I won­der what Gary Trichter or Troy McK­in­ney, or Lewis Dick­son, to name but three of Houston’s top DWI lawyers, with decades of expe­ri­ence each—[edit: not to men­tion Tyler Flood]—would have to say about that), “often opt­ing to let a jury deter­mine whether some­one was truly intox­i­cated rather than the highly flawed Field Sobri­ety Tests, Breath Tests, or Blood Tests” (Dis­trict Clerk records do not show him try­ing a sin­gle DWI case in Har­ris County dur­ing those eight months).
Grits thought Mark was being a bit harsh on the youngster until he followed up with this post pointing out that Mr. Ray, though fresh out of law school, has been hired to represent a capital murder defendant in Walker County, where Bennett points out, “Huntsville is the county seat; think 'juries packed with prison guards and their families.'”

I cannot fathom the hubris required for such an inexperienced attorney to take on DA David Weeks, in Huntsville, in a capital murder case. Mr. Ray is gonna get creamed (as he did at a recent bail reduction hearing), and his client will be lucky if he doesn't wind up with a needle in his arm. The judge "had appointed a lawyer to represent Lewis who is approved to defend capital cases in Walker County, but Lewis chose to hire his own counsel."

Mr. Ray's story is as much an example of the utter and complete failure of the State Bar of Texas to regulate its members as it is of one young attorney's over-inflated self esteem. When Bennett contacted Ray about misleading claims on his website, he responded, “What do you mean decep­tive? It was approved by Texas Bar and is no dif­fer­ent than count­less other attor­neys websites.” Indeed, that's the real problem, isn't it? State bar approval of web advertising by lawyers is utterly meaningless if this example makes the cut.

Similarly, and more gravely, this example shows more stringent strictures are needed regarding who can represent capital murder defendants. A recent, detailed report (pdf) by the American Bar Association's Texas Capital Punishment Assessment Team recommended that:
Texas must better ensure that appointed counsel possess the knowledge and skills necessary to meet the uniquely complex and demanding challenges of capital representation. Texas should adopt statewide qualification standards that include an assessment of the applicant’s knowledge, skills, and commitment to zealous advocacy as set fort in ABA Guidelines and the State Bar of Texas’s Guidelines and Standards for Texas Capital Counsel. Texas should empower regional or county authorities to make selection and evaluation determinations with respect to list qualified appointed counsel. As with the appointing authorities established in other capital jurisdictions, these local authorities should be comprised of individuals with demonstrated knowledge and expertise in capital representation, and their membership should be, to the extent possible, independent of the elected judiciary.

Attention also must be paid to monitoring the performance of capital counsel. What constitutes tolerable attorney competency in a non-capital case may be fatal in the capital context. To this end, Texas must adopt performance standards for capital counsel, with particular emphasis on required training and acceptable attorney workloads. Finally, Texas must implement mechanisms for monitoring the performance of list-qualified appointed counsel.
Ironically, if the defendant were indigent, he'd be entitled to a better lawyer. Art. 26.052 of the Code of Criminal Procedure insists that lead counsel in capital cases must "have at least five years of criminal law experience," they must "have tried to a verdict as lead defense counsel a significant number of felony cases, including homicide trials and other trials for offenses punishable as second or first degree felonies or capital felonies," they must have "trial experience" in "the use of and challenges to mental health or forensic expert witnesses and investigating and presenting mitigating evidence at the penalty phase of a death penalty trial," and they must have "participated in continuing legal education courses or other training relating to criminal defense in death penalty cases." Why shouldn't the state bar require similar standards for retained counsel in capital cases? And if they won't, shouldn't the Legislature step in to do so?

This blog has criticized the state bar for its failure to discipline prosecutors who commit Brady violations, but the truth is they're hardly regulating anybody. Their failures embodied in Bennett's first post are pathetic. Those in the second are profoundly disgraceful and bother me a lot more than does one young lawyer's ham-handed chutzpah.
had appointed a lawyer to represent Lewis who is approved to defend capital cases in Walker County, but Lewis chose to hire his own counsel - See more at: http://www.itemonline.com/local/x520093163/Reduced-bail-for-murder-suspect-denied#sthash.GRPBsaID.dpuf
had appointed a lawyer to represent Lewis who is approved to defend capital cases in Walker County, but Lewis chose to hire his own counsel - See more at: http://www.itemonline.com/local/x520093163/Reduced-bail-for-murder-suspect-denied#sthash.GRPBsaID.dpuf

Wednesday, December 11, 2013

Every Rose has its thorns

I'm of two minds regarding Judge David Peeple's decision to allow Rosemary Lehmberg to remain in office as Travis County District Attorney following her DWI arrest earlier this year:

On one hand, I agree she shouldn't be removed because other public officials don't routinely get removed from office because of a Class B misdemeanor.

OTOH, I cannot fathom why she would want to remain in office and endure the public humiliation that this trial has put her through. I suppose it was to keep Gov. Rick Perry from appointing a Republican as her successor (Terry Keel and John Bradley were names I heard floated), but given that after 30+ years her retirement must be vested, I can't fathom the thinking behind her cost-benefit analysis. Regardless, congratulations Rose, I guess. Enjoy the rest of your tenure as a running punch-line in Austin and throughout the state. There's no way voters will re-elect you in 2016. That ship has sailed.

The case for State Fire Marshal Chris Conneally as 'Texan of the Year'

My colleague at the Innocence Project of Texas, Cory Session, last week made an argument in the Dallas Morning News why State Fire Marshal Chris Conneally deserves to be named the paper's "Texan of the Year" for his review of faulty forensics in old arson cases. See below the jump for the meat of his argument:

Tuesday, December 10, 2013

Strange electoral news from the judiciary

A couple of bizarre developments on the electoral front:

First, Texas Court of Criminal Appeals Judge Larry Meyers has changed parties and announced he's running for the Texas Supreme Court as a Democrat. His term on the CCA isn't up until 2016 so he doesn't have to resign to run. Noted Burnt Orange Report, "Judge Meyers, who has spent 21 years as a statewide elected Texas Republican, did not give a reason for why he was switching." Fascinating. Who knows what's behind it?

Meanwhile, Polk County District Judge Elizabeth Coker, who resigned last Friday as part of an agreement with the State Commission on Judicial Conduct after she was caught texting advice to prosecutors during trials from the bench, has signed up to run for Polk County District Attorney. Reported the Houston Chronicle:
Coker will be challenging the incumbent prosecutor, Lee Hon, who was among the witnesses who testified about Coker this year before the State Commission on Judicial Conduct. ...
Local attorney Laura Prigmore is mulling over whether to ask the courts if a prosecutor can be considered a "judicial" position since it is listed under the judicial branch in the Texas Constitution.

The last time a state district judge voluntarily stepped aside to avoid possible disciplinary action was in 2009 when Central Texas Judge Emil Prohl was accused of spending forfeiture funds.
The scandal has all but engulfed the Polk County legal system:
Hon, who was exonerated by investigations into his office's dealings with Coker, said he intends to "regain the public's trust after this unfortunate turn of events" and that he is the only candidate with experience as a prosecutor. ...

Cecil Berg, an attorney who filed complaints against Coker and who is running to replace her as district judge, described Coker's campaign as "the most brazen thing I've ever seen."

"I'm dismayed by it," he said. "After all the improper communiqués she's had with assistant district attorneys while a judge, now she wants to run the department. It's beyond my comprehension."

Kaycee Jones, a former assistant Polk County prosecutor, is facing a hearing before a state bar grievance committee in March for her admission that she improperly used text messages from Coker during a 2012 trial.

Jones, who was later elected a district judge herself, acknowledged the secret texts exchanged to bolster the prosecution's case was "wrong."
You couldn't make this stuff up.

Poll: Texans support rehab over prison for low-level offenders

The Texas Public Policy Foundation released the results of a poll yesterday gauging public opinion re: rehab vs. prison for low-level drug and property offenders. Here's how the Statesman's Mike Ward summarized the results:
Texans by a wide margin support more treatment and rehabilitation programs for non-violent lawbreakers instead of prison time, a new poll showed Monday, the latest indication of a significant about-face by voters on the issue in recent years.

The poll commissioned by the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank that supports prison reforms, showed 84 percent of all likely voters contacted favor alternative-to-prison programs for non-violent drug offenders — including 81 percent who identified themselves as Republican, 89 percent as Democrat and 86 percent as independent.

Support was nearly as high among likely voters for putting more low-level offenders on strict probation programs, for allowing them the “opportunity to rehabilitate their behavior,” even for letting them pay restitution to their victims for non-violent offenses — all before they are sent to prison.

Twelve percent of all likely voters who were polled said they opposed sending more offenders to drug-treatment programs instead of prison, a much lower number than similar previous polls.
The group surveyed 1,001 likely voters in Texas and said the findings had a 3.1 percent margin of error.
In a column at the Statesman, TPPF's Sarah Rumpf elaborated on the findings:
For example, 79 percent of Texans favor sending nonviolent drug offenders to treatment instead of prison, and analyzing the responses by party affiliation, 81 percent of Republicans, 89 percent of Democrats and 86 percent of independents are in support. Looking at ideological and demographic classifications, 80 percent of conservatives, 90 percent of moderates and 89 percent of liberals support the reforms, as do 84 percent of white voters, 80 percent of Hispanics and 90 percent of African-Americans.

The poll also illustrated strong backing for other criminal justice reforms we support. By more than a 2 to 1 margin (62 percent to 27 percent), Texans believe spending money on education and treatment programs is more effective than building more prisons. Likewise, 77 percent agree that before nonviolent offenders are sent to prison, they should have the opportunity to rehabilitate their behavior, and 82 percent believe they should have the opportunity to repay their victims for any damages caused by their crimes.
Go here to see the complete poll and all the crosstabs. Perhaps most remarkable is the sea change in the public's values and priorities as it relates to criminal punishments. Asked what should be the most important factor for the criminal justice system to focus on when dealing with nonviolent criminals, respondents answered:
  • Rehabilitate the criminal: 35%
  • Punish the criminal: 30%
  • Make payments to victims for damages caused by their crimes: 23%
  • Send a message to would-be criminals: 8%
  • Unsure/Don't know/Refused: 4%
Even a decade ago, punishment would have overwhelmingly been the highest priority. Back when I worked with ACLUTX, we commissioned a strategic, internal poll on similar topics to help develop messages promoting legislation - which passed in 2003 (HB 2668 by Ray Allen) - to mandate probation on the first offense for less-than-a-gram drug offenders. At the time, the results weren't nearly as favorable for reform (though we were able to identify messages that helped change people's views). Public opinion has shifted significantly since then.

To me, the results are even more startling because of persistent misperceptions by the public about crime trends in Texas. Reported crime has consistently fallen statewide in recent years, but when asked if they thought crime had gone up, down, or stayed the same in their community, 30% thought it had gone up, 45% thought it had stayed the same, and only 18% correctly believed it had declined. IMO that's a function of failures by the MSM, which have come to sensationalize crime for its entertainment value instead of reporting it accurately and honestly, in context. Local TV news is the worst, but it's really true across the board. It's particularly remarkable that the public has moved away from a punishment-first mentality to more of a rehab focus when they remain consistently misinformed about the nature and frequency of crime in their communities.

It remains to be seen whether the Legislature will act on these issues. Texas has the largest state prison population in the country - larger even than California, though we have less than two-thirds of their population. After taking a first cut at de-incarceration reforms in 2007 aimed at strengthening probation and funding alternatives to incarceration, the Lege for the most part failed over the next three sessions to continue down the path implied by these shifts in public opinion. As Bill Hammond of the Texas Association of Business told the Statesman, “The people are ahead of the politicians on this.”

Monday, December 09, 2013

Dewhurst assigns interim charges on electronic privacy

Grits was especially pleased to see that Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst announced several notable "interim charges" (pdf) to be taken up by the Texas Senate State Affairs Committee in the coming year related to electronic privacy, ordering them to:
  • Examine possible measures to protect the personal privacy of Texas residents from governmental and commercial surveillance, including: (1) any necessary limits on warrantless search and seizure of data from electronic devices and wireless providers, including digital content and geolocational data; (2) any necessary protections against non consented video and audio recordings collected by private handheld and wearable mobile devices and other private surveillance; and (3) any necessary limits on warrantless monitoring of the physical location of individuals through the use of biometrics, RFID chips, facial recognition, or other technologies. Examine related measures proposed or passed in other states.
  • Review the types and scope of personal data collected by governmental and commercial entities and consider methods to minimize the government’s collection of data on its citizens. The study should include: (1) whether sufficient protections exist for DNA samples and information, including whether there should be a prohibition on the creation of DNA databases, except for felons and sex offenders; (2) methods to protect the privacy of gun owners from aggregated purchasing pattern tracking; (3) mechanisms to ensure that private health care information is properly protected; and (4) ways to ensure that previously anonymous data is not improperly reidentified and marketed. Examine related measures proposed or passed in other states.
  • Examine possible reforms designed to increase citizens' ability to know what data is being collected about them by governmental and commercial entities and with whom that data is being shared, including an analysis of consumer informed consent. Examine related measures proposed or passed in other states.
See a related press release.

Interim charges are often aimed at preparing bills that the leadership plans to prioritize during the next legislative session, though with Dewhurst facing several challengers for Lite Guv, he may or may not be around to see such legislation come to fruition. Still, assigning these charges in the midst of a heated primary campaign indicates he must think the issues resonate with the GOP base. That's a good sign.

The first charge related to warrant requirements perhaps seems more appropriately assigned to the Senate Criminal Justice Committee, but either way I'm grateful to see the Lt. Governor raising the profile of electronic privacy issues and look forward to interim hearings on these topics.

Roundup: Writs, rights, beatings, bonds, and the complexity of victimhood

If only to clear my browser tabs, here are a few stories that merit Grits readers' attention but likely won't make it into independent posts anytime soon:

Serving life for homicide when there was no homicide
The Houston Press has a brief story about the case of Neal Robbins, who was convicted of homicide in the death of an infant, though the medical examiner has retracted that claim, saying the cause of death is undetermined. The habeas writ, in which the district judge recommended relief, is based on Texas' new statute allowing convictions based on junk science to be overturned. Indeed, Robbins' was the poster-child case at the Legislature spurring passage of the new law. Even so, Grits expects the CCA vote to be close.

Lehmberg on the dock
Austin Statesman reporters are tweeting away from the civil trial seeking to remove Travis County DA Rosemary Lehmberg from office, for those who care. I don't particularly think a DWI merits her ouster, but appreciate the case for its entertainment value.

Prosecutors as propagandists educators
Harris County DA Devon Anderson has prosecutors "teaching what we do to high school students" via mock trials held in downtown civil courtrooms, according to a recent press release. She thinks "this is an amazing opportunity for the students to meet prosecutors in the DA’s Office and get an inside look at what we do." If they wanted to really give students a glimpse at "what we do," they'd take students into court some morning to watch the disgraceful plea mill that passes for justice in the majority of Harris County criminal cases.

Time to bail on the bail bond system?
Houston attorney Paul Kennedy and the Maryland Court of Appeals think so.

Whitmire: Make cops at private universities subject to open records
State Sen. John Whitmire wants to make police departments at private universities like Rice subject to the open records act, reported the Houston Chronicle and a local TV station after video emerged of Rice rent-a-cops beating an alleged bicycle thief with batons. (Via Charles Kuffner.) Grits would add that the exemption to the open records act for police disciplinary files in civil service cities should also be eliminated.

No movement to reform immigration detention
Even though "Back in 2009, the Obama administration promised reform of the massive, mostly for-profit U.S. immigrant detention system," reported Melissa del Bosque at the Texas Observer, "The number of deportees hasn’t diminished and private detention facilities continue to expand."

The Fourth Amendment and cell tower dumps
Former federal magistrate judge turned Texas Tech law prof Brian Owsley has a new paper on the topic.

Watch this
The FBI has technology that can secretly activate your computer's webcam without the indicator light coming on. “We have transitioned into a world where law enforcement is hacking into people’s computers, and we have never had public debate,” ACLU's Christopher Soghoian, told the Washington Post. “Judges are having to make up these powers as they go along.”

'The other side of the story'
There's a fascinating account at Texas Monthly from a recent UT graduate about a tryst with a 23-year old teacher when she was 14 that resulted in his prosecution, conviction, and placement on the sex-offender registry for life. The subhed reads: "When I was fourteen, I had a relationship with my eighth grade history teacher. People called me a victim. They called him a villain. But it's more complicated than that." Interesting read; thought provoking stuff.

Sunday, December 08, 2013

'White paper' suggests systemic reforms to respond to mass forensic errrors

How should the criminal justice system respond when forensic errors or malfeasance occur on a large scale, affecting hundreds or even thousands of cases? Texas courts, prosecutors, defense counsel and crime labs already are struggling with these questions, and it appears the Texas Legislature may need to take up the issue when they re-convene in 2015.

Late afternoon the day before Thanksgiving (Nov. 27), the Texas Forensic Science Commission and the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals' Criminal Justice Integrity Unit issued a little-noticed joint "white paper" (pdf) based on a stakeholder "roundtable" held earlier this year. (In the interest of full disclosure, your correspondent participated in that roundtable on behalf of the Innocence Project of Texas.) Suggestions in the white paper could have big implications for the justice system when large-scale forensic SNAFUs arise like the DPS-Houston crime lab fiasco where lab worker Jonathan Salvador was caught drylabbing evidence, casting doubt on a large number of convictions where he'd performed testing.

Between the Salvador mess, the discrediting of dog-scent lineups and hair-and-fiber analyses, and scientific debunking of now-outdated arson indicators used to secure convictions for decades, in recent years Texas and indeed the entire, national criminal-justice system has had to come to grips with the fact that many past criminal convictions have been secured using what's now known to be junk science. The Texas Legislature passed a landmark statute in 2013 allowing habeas corpus relief in such cases, creating a vehicle for revisiting convictions based on bad science and overturning them if the conviction couldn't have been obtained without the faulty forensic testimony. But there are still no processes in place for identifying those old cases, notifying affected defendants, or creating a vehicle to ensure that meritorious cases actually get a chance to seek relief in the courts. Those are the issues about which this white paper offers some first, tentative suggestions, though there's still a long way to go to turn the ideas into a workable blueprint, much less a functioning, effective system.

First things first, the paper confronts the issue of how to give effective notice of such errors to defendants in a way that would allow them to seek relief where appropriate. In the Jonathan Salvador case, in particular, "because so many different counties were affected, it was extremely challenging to determine whether affected defendants have received notification consistently, or whether notice varies from county to county depending upon local resources and other factors. It is also difficult to assess the extent to which prosecutors themselves understand the nature and scope of the forensic misconduct and potential ramifications." For example, despite advice to the contrary from the state prosecutors' association, the Fort Bend County District Attorney balked at notifying defendants whose cases were implicated in the Salvador SNAFU until finally cratering under media pressure.

The white paper praised the Texas District and County Attorney Association for advocating on their website that prosecutors provide notice, but recognized "that TDCAA cannot force its membership to check its blog regularly or to follow its recommendations." Instead, participants in the roundtable "emphasized the importance of notice redundancy," noting that "making several layers of contact with various affected parties is critical."

The paper also suggested that the lab identifying "nonconformance" should hold a "technical briefing" where stakeholders may ask questions ... so they may understand the scope of the problem accurately." But depending on the circumstances, the agency where the problems originated may or may not be the best source for a thorough, honest technical briefing. Grits would suggest that, at a minimum, representatives from the Forensic Science Commission should participate in such presentations so  labs won't gloss over important details in ways that minimize their own culpability. In the Salvador case, the DPS officials IMO behaved with great integrity and that wouldn't have been necessary. In other instances - as with dog-scent lineups performed by the Fort Bend County Sheriff's Office - the agency promoting faulty forensics wouldn't have been nearly so forthcoming. And for hair and fiber analyses, there is no single agency implicated but an entire forensic field that's been called into question. I'm not sure how the white-paper briefing model would work in that sort of scenario.

The white paper suggests the Forensic Science Commission should be responsible for notifying individual District Attorneys offices with affected cases, as well as notifying leadership at the Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association, the Texas Center for the Judiciary, the prosecutorial assistance unit at the Texas Attorney General, and regional presiding judges via the Office of Court Administration. (Right now the FSC has no statutory duty to perform those tasks but there's also nothing stopping them from doing so, resources permitting.) The paper also suggests the FSC "should consider establishing a centralized Internet-based repository accessible to everyone in the state with basic information on pending forensic complaints and disclosures, including a FAQ section and other guidance.

All that, however, doesn't ensure defendants whose cases may be affected will be notified. The paper points out that "prosecutors have an obligation to make a good faith effort to contact defendants. However, they cannot track individuals beyond their last known address." That's definitely an issue, but Grits would suggest a few possible avenues for followup. For starters, when the address in prosecutors' files are outdated, the US Postal Service may have change-of-address information if anybody bothered to check. For that matter, commercial list brokers often have more and better updated information on addresses even than the post office, as any political consultant or professional marketer would tell you. For large-scale notification projects like the ones being discussed, following up with those sources would be well worth the cost, given the stakes involved.

As for the content of such notifications, "prosecutors should provide a resource for defendants to inquire about any re-testing or potential writ process. This prevents prosecutors from being placed in the impossible position of advising defendants who contact their office with inquiries." That suggestion doesn't go as far as the advice from TDCAA regarding the Salvador scandal. They suggested that, for any defendant with viable habeas claims, prosecutors should "request that the court appoint an attorney to take the case through a writ process." TDCAA's advice represents a stronger, more pro-active approach than suggested in the white paper. Telling them to ask the courts to appoint an attorney to me makes more sense than vaguely telling DAs to "provide a resource."

Which brings us to the question: Once defendants are notified, what happens then? For indigent defendants who originally had appointed counsel, the lawyer assigned to them on the front end has no continuing duty to assist them in filing habeas corpus writs after the fact, particularly if they're not being paid for it. (Plus, habeas corpus writs a relatively specialized field and most attorneys taking appointed cases wouldn't be competent to handle them.) It's at this stage in the process that legislative action would be required to implement the course of action outlined in the white paper, as well as rule changes by the state bar:
The majority of stakeholders felt the Commission on Indigent Defense should be responsible for these cases by appointing attorneys on a temporary basis to address the claims. The Commission on Indigent Defense should work with the State Bar, TCDLA and Texas law schools to obtain effective and targeted representation where possible. The attorney group would be appointed only for the purposes of dealing with the forensic nonconformance at issue and would be disbanded when the cases have made their way through the appeals process. Absent a statewide solution, local counties should consider creating “consortiums” with their neighboring counties so that attorneys capable of handling appeals and writs may represent defendants in these cases across multiple counties. The Commission on Indigent Defense could in turn fund the local consortiums. Form pleadings should be created and distributed to help attorneys represent clients efficiently in these cases.

If laws need to be changed to permit the Commission on Indigent Defense to fulfill this role, they should be changed during the next legislative session. The Governor’s office and/or the Attorney General’s office should be consulted regarding access to emergency funds for these cases.

Finally, the State Bar should consider developing guidelines for professional responsibility in cases where a defense attorney who no longer represents a defendant receives notice from the prosecutor. Some further action should be taken by the attorney so the notice does not fall through the cracks.
At the roundtable, "Stakeholders felt the Commission on Indigent Defense (in partnership with the State Bar) is the best organization to handle this. ... Absent their assistance, stakeholders will continue to rely on TCDLA, the Innocence Project of Texas and a county-by-county approach," which is "inefficient and creates unequal results depending on what county a person lives in." If a statewide solution through the TIDC cannot be crafted, counties should "make the effort to appoint one or two competent and experienced appellate attorneys depending on the volume to handle all affected cases through the writ process." In addition, "The State could consider amending the post-conviction writ rules to make these types of cases more streamlined for all parties," though the white paper offered no specific suggestions in that regard.

This white paper made a good first stab at thinking through the problems surrounding how to respond large-scale forensic SNAFUs, but clearly there's much to be resolved and some of the suggestions would require legislative action and possibly clarification of prosecutor and defense attorney responsibilities through the State Bar. Some issues may crystallize to some extent when the Court of Criminal Appeals hands down its ruling in Ex Parte Coty, which is the key case parsing issues surrounding the Jonathan Salvador scandal (see Grits' coverage of oral arguments). But as yet, Texas is clearly on the front end of figuring out how to respond to large-scale problems with forensic science, even if in many respects we're far ahead of other states on the topic.

Still, I'm glad to see state leaders thinking about these subjects in terms of systems and processes instead of slogging through it all on a case by case basis, which is how the courts typically handle such matters. That approach makes a lot more sense and, once systems are in place, will prevent a lot of headaches down the line as scientific advances continue to call into question forensic disciplines that are turning out to be less reliable than most everyone thought in years past.

Thursday, December 05, 2013

Shook: New Dallas PD policy on police shootings will be used against detectives in court

Reacting to this Grits post, former Dallas DA candidate Toby Shook says the Dallas PD's new policy to give police officers three days before answering questions about police shootings, ostensibly based on expert advice claiming it would make their memories more accurate, will be used against the department when their detectives are cross-examined in court. He writes:
I believe experts are correct but as Grits points out, why don’t we extend this same policy to suspects in shootings? What’s good for the goose is good for the gander. Police detectives often get very damaging statements from suspects shortly after the incident. At trial if the defendant’s story changes the prosecutor quickly argues to the jury that the defendant has changed his story and is lying. After this change in policy the best Dallas criminal defense attorneys will try to use this policy in their cross-examinations of Dallas Detectives. The new policy also allows the police officer the privilege of reviewing any video tapes of the incident. Dallas Criminal lawyers should also use this fact during cross-examinations.
I'm not sure Chief David Brown fully thought through the implications of this policy before he quietly changed it in deference to the police union.

Innocence news and notes

Here are a number of recent innocence-related stories that merit Grits readers attention. The Michael Morton documentary described in the final bullet airs tonight:

Texas DPS won't use roadblocks sans legislative approval

Good news, via the Houston Chronicle ("State police to halt the use of checkpoints," Dec. 5):
The Texas Department of Public Safety will refrain from using traffic checkpoints following intense backlash after state police temporarily set up roadside stops in the Rio Grande Valley earlier this year.

DPS Director Steven McCraw said Wednesday that his agency will not use road checkpoints "anywhere in the state" until Texas lawmakers give their blessing.
The checkpoints were part of a politically driven "surge" by DPS along the border that "included a beefed-up presence of boots on the ground and patrols in the air and water." Of course, border regions are among the safest in Texas and media quickly pointed out that, by the metrics through which DPS claimed to have chosen the Valley for its "surge," they'd have been more justified "surging" in the major metropolitan areas.

The roadblocks, though, were the aspect that raised the public's ire. Now, says McCraw, "Until we have legislative support to do those, we won't do them anywhere in the state."

DPS wasn't checking for immigration status at the stops, so the real motive was to use the roadblocks to check for DWI and run drug dogs around the cars. Noted the Chron, "For more than a decade, the Legislature has rejected proposals to allow roadside checkpoints, which typically target drunken drivers. During the last legislative session, San Antonio Deputy Police Chief Anthony Treviño urged a committee of lawmakers to allow permanent sobriety checkpoints in the state."

IMO, the border security meme is merely a way to get the camel's nose under the tent and if law enforcement is ever given authority to do roadblocks, they'll use them all over the state for all sorts of reasons. The only restraints will be imposed by limits on resources. Lots of police departments want to use them for DWI and already some use bogus license and registration checks as a fig leaf to justify them. The Legislature, though, has consistently rejected that tactic and should continue to do so.

As an aside: Lately, Grits has come to believe that the end of the Cold War and the fall of communism was a huge factor in spurring US law enforcement and the courts to gut the Fourth Amendment and expand these sort of police-state tactics, which were once considered signature features of totalitarian states. As long as we had a Red Menace to compare ourselves to, law enforcement and politicians refrained from this sort of stuff because the public was so opposed to communism that adopting such tactics was considered un-American. The fall of communism meant the public no longer had a reference point for how far is too far. That freed up the government to pursue totalitarian tactics themselves, from roadblocks at the local level to the NSA spying on phone calls. An external enemy was replaced by enemies within - the drug war, drunk drivers, illegal immigration, terrorist "sleeper cells," etc. - and all of a sudden the government could justify just about any expansion of power.

That's why I find the backlash against DPS roadblocks and the agency's belated decision to reject them so heartening: It shows that, to some extent, at least, Americans have retained a semblance of a moral compass. Police roadblocks will surely be proposed again in the 84th Texas Legislature and, if they fail, again in the 85th. Those promoting expansion of government power and the diminution of individual rights will keep coming back to the well. But episodes like this make me hopeful that there's at least a chance to restrain the most abusive features of a totalitarian mindset that, 30 years ago, virtually every American abhorred.

See related Grits posts:

Wednesday, December 04, 2013

Texas municipal courts processing fewer traffic cases

The number of traffic tickets written in Texas' largest jurisdictions continues to decline, though a couple of the biggest municipal courts (San Antonio and Fort Worth) haven't lately been reporting their numbers to the Office of Court Administration. Scott Goldstein at the Dallas News updated his earlier reporting on the topic yesterday for Big D, reporting that the Dallas PD wrote 37,000 fewer traffic tickets last year than the year before and nearly 50% less than when they maxxed out in fiscal year 2007. (See more from the Dallas Observer.)

Seeing this, I asked the Office of Court Administration for statewide data on the number of non-parking traffic cases filed in municipal court to update this Grits post where I compiled similar information a couple of years ago. (These numbers don't line up precisely with the Dallas PD data, but give a sense of the statewide trend in an apples-to-apples format.) Here's the updated chart:


Notably, I'm told Fort Worth hasn't reported their data to the OCA since the reporting format changed beginning in FY 2012, and San Antonio only reported four months of data for FY 2013, so I didn't include their numbers for that year. (McKinney, not depicted, also has not reported since 2011.)

According to the municipal court data, traffic tickets in Houston declined nearly as much as in Dallas, with Austin not far behind. One also notices that much-smaller El Paso now hands out many more tickets than either the capital or Dallas (probably because near the border police are using traffic stops as a pretext to search for contraband and south-bound drug money). Tyler's numbers stand out; considering my hometown's population was just under 100,000 in 2013, almost 67,000 is a huge number of tickets on their part. And Lubbock's increase is particularly puzzling - they, and to a lesser extent Garland, and Plano, appear to be bucking the statewide trend.

I can't explain why Dallas PD reported writing 20.5% more tickets in 2013 than there were traffic cases filed in municipal court, but I'm sure there's some good explanation. The other source of data on traffic citations - coming directly from departments, as in Goldstein's story, as opposed to the municipal courts - would be racial profiling reports submitted to TCLEOSE. But not wanting to pay for (or wait for) the open-records requests, I'll leave that to somebody else to compile.

As was the case the last time we discussed this, I can't think of a good explanation for what appears to be a statewide trend toward writing fewer traffic tickets. A number of commenters offered interesting hypotheses two years ago, but nothing you could really hang your hat on. Let me know in the comments below why you think the number of traffic tickets in Texas' large cities is declining.

If your city isn't depicted in the above chart see the OCA municipal court data for 2010, 2011, 2012 and 2013.

TDCJ SNAFU reduced parole chances for thousands of inmates

Last week, KHOU-TV in Houston reported (Nov. 27) that the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles failed to include letters of support from friends, family and even potential employers in as many as 86,000 parolee files, denying parole board members important information that reduced the inmates' chances for release from prison. Given that the entire Texas prison population is just over 150K, that's a substantial majority of inmates. Reported the TV station:
“We believe about 86,000 files (were affected),” explained TDCJ Spokesman Jason Clark. 
“Different inmates, somewhere in the correctional system?” The I-Team asked Clark.
“Yes,” he responded.
Those 86,000 files are parole files that may not have included support letters urging voters to approve an inmate’s release.
As the I-Team first reported, for months those letters were part of “general correspondence” that was electronically stored, but not put into inmates’ parole files.
Instead, those documents were shredded as part of a policy change inside TDCJ.
But Clark admits no one from TDCJ ever told the Board of Pardons and Paroles about the policy change.
So for months parole voters had no idea they were potentially reviewing incomplete files when deciding cases.
“Is it possible people are sitting in prison right now who legitimately would have had a chance to be paroled had this information been in there?” the I-Team asked Clark.
“You know, how this general correspondence would have influenced the parole decision, I can't speculate,” Clark said. “Those decisions come down to the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles.”
So the I-Team took the question to the parole board.
A spokesman for the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles said the Board doesn’t know how many reviews relied on an incomplete file and admitted that a year after the Board learned of the mistake, it had not initiated any process to re-examine any cases to see if they were affected.
However, that spokesman, Harry Battson, wrote in a statement that the Board, “closely monitored approval rates since December 2012 and identified no discernible differences with previous months.”
Mr. Battson's statement, though, was contradicted by Lance Lowry, leader of the union representing Texas prison guards. In response to the KHOU story he sent Grits and other media an email that read, in part:
Capacity issues are becoming a problem in TDCJ.  During the middle of session the population for TDCJ was around 152,000 inmates.  Now the population has increased to over 153,000.  Instead of the targeted decrease in population, the population has increased in Texas prisons, despite increases in funding for re-entry programs. 

The Board of Pardon & Parole should be targeting a reduction in the overall inmate population in Texas prisons, but is not. ...

Texas can't afford a high prison population due to its fiscal limitations and expanding needs.  Mistakes such as the one cited in the investigative piece by KHOU can not be tolerated. Losing 86,000 parole files may cost the state millions, if not billions in the long term. 

Texas needs to use it's available parole resources and continue on the model of getting Right on Crime by decreasing the population [and reducing] this fiscal burden.  With extreme underfunding, the prison system is a constitutional liability to taxpayers with Federal court intervention a major risk.
This is a major SNAFU. To the extent these letters contained offers of employment or places for convicts to live with family upon reentry, their omission could easily have caused the board to reject applications for release that would have otherwise been granted.

TDCJ executives received substantial pay hikes after the last legislative session, but the ones responsible for this screw-up should have received pink slips instead. One also wonders how parole board members and staff failed to notice when letters of support suddenly began to disappear wholesale from all the files they were processing. The level of negligence here across the board was pretty breathtaking.

At a minimum, TDCJ should notify the 86,000 inmates whose files were rejected and let them know that, if their families or others sent letters of support, they were shredded and never submitted to the parole board. And in cases where information was missing and the parole board denied release, there should be some process established for revisiting those cases. Even if it only affected decisions in a few thousand cases, that would make a big difference in a prison system hovering near capacity.

Tuesday, December 03, 2013

Harris County probation cleaning up its act, but judges could still screw it up

Since March, the Harris County probation department "has cut its drug testing volume in half" thanks to efforts of its new director, Dr. Teresa May, who was appointed in February and previously worked for adult probation in Dallas County, reported the Houston Chronicle yesterday. Upon her arrival, May "hired a consultant who found that many probationers had for years tested negative on hundreds of tests. The abnormally high test volume was a big part of the problems revealed last year."

To be clear, Harris County judges' excessive drug-test requirements had been documented well before last year. But judges ignored the warnings and refused to change their ways until the issue blew up in their faces. By then, the volume had so overwhelmed the department they could no longer reliably match sample results to probationers. At that point, judges scapegoated the previous probation director, blaming him for a situation their own policies and mismanagement had created.

These issues had been well-known for years. Describing the findings of the the Justice Management Institute (JMI) from 2005, Grits pointed out that, "Urinalysis requirements in particular, while popular among prosecutors and judges, take up a huge amount of staff time and cause delays throughout the system." JMI recommended back then that "The courts should seek to develop cost-effective common policies concerning when drug testing should be ordered, for what types of drugs, how and by whom the tests should be conducted, what responses should be made to test results, and when (under what circumstances) the drastic step of [revocation] should be taken." It took a crisis, though, for judges to reconsider their approach.

The new director is also implementing a risk-assessment system that will hopefully prevent judges from applying cookie-cutter probation conditions to every defendant:
May, 52, came from Dallas County's probation department, where she helped implement a model that significantly reduced the number of offenders who ended up behind bars after their probations were revoked. The result was a lower jail population and a savings of millions of dollars.

May, who has a doctorate in clinical psychology from Southern Methodist University and had worked as a clinical assessor for the Dallas probation department, is working with judges to devise a similar model for Harris County, where the jail population swelled this year and the case load is nearly twice as high.

The model will depend on comprehensive assessments of offenders early in the probation process to determine whether they are at low, medium or high risk of reoffending so judges can set appropriate conditions, including whether to place them in treatment programs if they have drug, alcohol or mental health problems. ...
May said all probationers eventually undergo state-mandated risk assessments, but usually only after their probation terms are set and months after their initial arrests. That much lag time is not good for people who have substance abuse problems, she said.
"The probation conditions should be driven by what we identify in our risk assessment tool and in our evaluation," May said. "The offense alone doesn't tell you a lot."
The data show, for example, that intensive supervision or treatment programs can significantly reduce the recidivism rate among higher risk offenders. Lower risk offenders who have no drug, alcohol or mental health problems and a relatively stable life, however, often do worse when they are put into residential treatment programs where they can lose their jobs and homes and come under the influence of higher risk criminals.

A rough estimate May provided to the county's Criminal Justice Coordinating Council shows the model could save the county $6.84 million a year in the short term. ...
State Sen. John Whitmire, D-Houston, though, said probation terms in Texas - with Harris County being "the worst" - are far too strict, setting up offenders for failure and creating a "broken" system.
This is all good news, and kudos to Dr. May for getting the judges (so far) to buy into efforts to make their decisions more data-driven. But no one should be fooled that just hiring a new probation director will solve these problems. Harris County judges created them by ignoring good advice in the past and if they ignore Dr. May's evidence-based approaches going forward, in a few years they'll find themselves right back in the same spot.

H/T: Kuff.

MORE: While we're on the subject of judge-created clusterf#%ks in Harris County, Mark Bennett and Robb Fickman both have good posts up about the excessive use of pretrial detention in Harris County which is driving their too-high jail population. Fickman's comes in the form of an open letter to Harris County misdemeanor court judges that's a must-read for anyone concerned with the topic.

Rural counties treat prisoners as political footballs when drawing electoral districts

The Austin Statesman's Jonathon Tilove had a story over the weekend ("Prisoners can't vote but they can subtly effect political power," Nov. 30) on the impact of urban convicts housed in rural prisons on state and local redistricting, a topic this blog has addressed numerous times over the years. The story hones in on the difference between how counties handle prisoners when drawing commissioners court precincts compared to they're counted for state legislative districts. Prisoners can't vote in Texas until they're "off paper" (i.e, when their sentence is finished, including any time on parole), but they're included in Census population counts that inform redistricting decisions.

Bottom line: There are many rural counties that exclude prisoners from their counts because most or all of some precincts (each county is divided into four) would be populated by inmates if they were included in the count. But state lawmakers have balked at changing where inmates are counted to reflect their home counties because, particularly for state rep districts, it artificially boosts representation for GOP-leaning rural districts, inflating their number and diminishing the number of voters making up "blue" districts in urban centers. Unfortunately, it's state lawmakers who decide where inmates should be counted and, with the present Republican majority, that makes this a partisan political hot potato at the capitol.

The issue has been raised most prominently over the years by a group called the Prison Policy Initiative, and it was a new analysis from them that spawned this article. Here's a notable excerpt describing their findings:
“We found that most of the areas that gain additional political clout from prison gerrymandering on the state level reject the prison counts when they draw local districts,” said Peter Wagner, executive director of the Prison Policy Initiative, which he founded as a student at Western New England College School of Law more than a decade ago. “Our research confirms that faced with the absurd prospect of drawing a city or county district that is mostly — or even entirely — incarcerated, local governments are leading the way in rejecting prison gerrymandering.”

At its most absurd, had Garza County, population 6,461, not excluded the 1,995 residents of the Giles W. Dalby Correctional Facility from its redistricting, an entire precinct would have been made up of “criminal aliens” awaiting deportation, with not a voter among them.

The Prison Policy Initiative’s inventory listed 64 Texas cities and counties with what the report calls the greatest “potential distortion” — a measure of how much of a potential district could be populated by prisoners. All but nine have chosen to exclude that population in redistricting.

Yet in drawing state legislative districts there remains a strong rural rooting interest in maintaining the census practice of counting prisoners — just like college students, barracked stateside military personnel, and migrant workers — where they find them to be mostly living and sleeping on Census Day, and then including them in that count when drawing state House, state Senate and U.S. House district lines.

Why? Because those prisoners pad the population of sparsely settled rural districts, sustaining a House or Senate seat with far fewer eligible voters than other districts, undermining the principle of one-man, one-vote, and potentially someday affecting the balance of power in the Legislature because, in Texas, seven of the nine House districts with the largest prison populations are represented by Republicans.
According to the Prison Policy Initiative's website, 40 Texas counties exclude prisoners when drawing local precincts, even though all of them benefit at the statehouse from extra representation because of inmates counted there. They are: Anderson, Bastrop, Bee, Bowie, Brazoria, Brown, Burnet, Cherokee, Childress, Concho, Coryell, Dawson, DeWitt, Dickens, Duval, Fannin, Freestone, Frio, Garza, Hale, Haskell, Houston, Howard, Jack, Jones, Karnes, Kinney, La Salle, Live Oak, Madison, Medina, Mitchell, Pecos, Potter, Reeves, Rusk, Terry, Walker, Wichita, Willacy. Prisoners in those counties are being treated as political footballs - counted when it benefits local pols and discounted whenever it serves their interests. Hard not to view the whole situation as an expression of political cynicism, but then, that's true of the redistricting process in general, isn't it?

The Statesman story notes that Rep. Harold Dutton for years has championed counting Texas prisoners at their last known home addresses for purposes of redistricting, but the partisan aspects of the issue have continually thwarted him. Two states - Maryland and New York - have already changed where they count prisoners. Two more - California and Delaware - will make the switch with the 2020 Census. Grits would like to see Texas rationalize this mess by 2020 as well, but as long as the topic is considered through the lens of state-level partisanship instead of county-level pragmatism, changing it in the near future would be an uphill climb.

Monday, December 02, 2013

Dallas PD changes policy to enable police coverups after shootings

Regular Grits readers will recall the recent episode in Dallas where a police officer shot a mentally ill suspect, claiming he feared for his life. His partner said in a written report that the man had rushed at them with a raised knife when, in fact, a neighbor's surveillance video showed the fellow had first backed away then stood calmly with his hands to his side. DPD fired the officer and suspended his partner for 15 days.

Now, though, rather than beef up penalties for officers caught testilying, Dallas Police Chief David Brown has succumbed to pressure from the police union and changed the rules so that officers can no longer be questioned about shooting incidents until 72 hours after they happen. The Dallas News story ("Dallas Police Chief David Brown quietly changes shooting investigation policy," Nov. 27) announcing the new policy opened thusly:
Any Dallas officer involved in a police shooting — whether the officer fired a weapon or witnessed the gunfire — will now have the right to remain silent for 72 hours under a new department policy.
And even before they give a statement about the shooting, the officers can watch any available video before they give a statement.

Previously an officer who witnessed a shooting typically would have been required to give a statement to police investigators within hours of the event. And the officer who fired, while not required to speak right away, typically did so. The new policy now requires the firing officer to wait at least three days before giving a complete statement to investigators.

Chief David Brown quietly made major policy change less than a month after surveillance video went public in October that showed an officer shooting a mentally ill man for no apparent reason — contrary to a witnessing officer’s account that led to a felony charge against the victim.

“It is my belief that this decision will improve the investigation of our most critical incidents,” Brown said in an emailed statement.

An attorney for the shooting victim, who survived, said the policy will give officers involved in unjustified shootings time to make excuses.

But memory experts side with the chief.

Alexis Artwohl, a nationally known behavior consultant for law enforcement agencies, said studies show officers need rest before they can accurately recount traumatic events.
One wonders, if "memory experts" say this is the better way to go, why isn't the same courtesy extended to suspects so their memory can be similarly improved? I'm sure suspects in criminal cases would be less likely to give contradictory statements if they could wait three days and review all the evidence accumulated against them with their lawyers before talking to police. What's good for the goose ...

An attorney for Bobby Bennett, the man shot in the October incident, correctly identified the real reason the police union pushed for the change and pointed out the obvious hypocrisy:
Don Tittle, one of Bennett’s attorneys, called the policy change “maddening.” Give police officers enough time, evidence and lawyers, and all their statements will sound alike and justify a shooting, he said.

Plus, he said, any other witness to a crime is asked to talk to officers at the scene, he said.

“If the goal is to seek the truth in an incident, then why would a witness to a police shooting be treated differently than a witness to any other incident?” he said. “No other witness is told, here, you have three days to get back to us. And, by the way, here is a copy of all the video of the incident so you can get your story straight.”
Grits doesn't buy for a moment the argument that the policy stems from memory science - where is the science that says people remember an incident better three days later compared to soon after it happens? A few hours later? Perhaps. Three days later? No way. By that time, one's memory begins the process of self-reinforcing a version of events that may or may not conform to what actually happened. (For more on the brain science behind that process, see here, here, and here.)

The "memory expert" quoted by the Dallas News is not a memory expert at all but a consultant who co-authored a book on how police officers can "survive" the emotional and legal aftermath of deadly shootings. Looking through her website and linked publications, one is struck by the one-side analysis. Yes, memory is less certain than was once thought - which is why we've witnessed so many DNA exonerations based on faulty eyewitness identification - but she never takes the next step to apply that observation to suspects, witnesses, or for that matter victims of police shootings. Her schtick is all about protecting the cop from negative consequences after a shooting occurs, right or wrong.

In a blog post on Friday, Dallas attorney Robert Guest made the obvious comparison to how police treat suspects: "This traumatic-event-impairs-memory theory could impact other cases as well. Take family violence cases, if we can’t trust officers memory of traumatic events how we can trust those who got in a fight with their spouse?" Guest sums up what's going on in the Bennett episode from a non-cop's perspective: "If you work in criminal justice long enough you see situations in which rules are broken often. Defendants break rules and face the unbridled wrath of the criminal justice system (which seeks to take their money, time, and sometimes freedom). But what happens when the Government breaks rules? More often than not, the government changes the rules so that they don’t get caught again." That's precisely what Chief Brown did here.

This shooting and the coverup that followed by the shooter's partner was an embarrassment for the Dallas Police Department, but not nearly as embarrassing as this shameless change in departmental policy. Just pathetic.

MORE: From Defending People and Simple Justice.